•  ••«» 


LIFE    OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 


THE    LIFE 

UNIV,  o 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


BY 

JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 


IN    TWO    VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 


BOSTON: 

LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND   COMPANY. 
1876. 


E303- 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1876,  by 

JOHN    T.    MORSE,    JR., 

In  the  office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


Cambridge : 
Press  of  John   Wilson  &  Son. 


TO 

HENRY   W.  PAINE,  LL.D., 

THE   PROFOUND    LAWYER,    KINDLY    GENTLEMAN,   AND    UPRIGHT   MAX, 

THESE   VOLUMES   ARE   DEDICATED   BY   THE   AUTHOR, 

AS     A    TOKEN,    ONLY    TOO    INSUFFICIENT, 

OF    RESPECT   AND    AFFECTION. 


758723 


PREFACE. 


IT  is  now  many  years  ago  that  I  first  conceived 
the  purpose  of  writing  a  "  Life  of  Alexander  Hamil 
ton."  The  undertaking  was  repeatedly  postponed 
with  the  intention  of  awaiting  some  period  of  lei 
sure  ;  but  as  from  year  to  year  the  prospect  of  that 
period  seemed  to  recede  rather  than  to  approach  I 
at  last  despaired  of  its  ever  arriving,  and  some  four 
years  ago  entered  upon  my  task  without  farther 
delay,  and  have  since  prosecuted  it  in  such  intervals 
as  I  could  snatch  from  professional  occupation. 
Doubtless  the  work  could  have  been  much  better 
done  by  some  student  of  American  history  who  could 
have  devoted  his  unbroken  days  to  the  topic,  and 
made  it  the  sole  object  of  his  reading  and  reflection. 
But  as  none  such  has  appeared  in  nearly  three- 
quarters  of  a  century,  I  have  ventured  to  make 
my  effort. 

The  object  which  I  have  had  in  view  has  been  not 
so*  much  to  produce  a  learned  and  elaborate  biog 
raphy  as  a  narrative  which  persons  with  no  more 
than  the  average  desire  for  information  concerning 
the  history  of  their  country  might  be  willing  to  read. 


viii  PREFACE. 

For  the  more  painstaking  few  the  seven  volumes  of 
Mr.  John  C.  Hamilton's  history  cannot  be  improved 
upon.  But  the  ordinary  reader  has  not  the  courage 
to  accomplish  the  perusal  of  so  voluminous  a  work. 
As  from  time  to  time  there  have  appeared  the  lives 
of  many  of  the  distinguished  contemporaries  of 
Hamilton,  who  were  his  rivals  or  opponents  in 
politics,  it  has  seemed  that  the  people  of  sub 
sequent  generations  were  to  hear  only  the  side  of 
those  rivals  and  opponents,  and  so  might  come  by 
degrees  to  entertain  a  most  imperfect  and  unjust 
opinion  concerning  him.  To  aid  the  general  reader 
in  obtaining  an  accurate  knowledge  of  his  genius, 
character,  and  labors  has  been  the  end  constantly 
held  in  view  in  the  composition  of  these  volumes. 
It  was  no  easy  task  to  make  the  chapters  concerning 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and  the  finan 
cial  schemes  of  the  treasury  department  popular  and 
attractive  reading ;  probably  I  have  not  succeeded  in 
doing  so,  but  so  far  as  I  could  I  have  made  the 
attempt. 

I  frankly  acknowledge  that  I  began  this  work  with 
a  deep  admiration  both  for  the  character  and  the  in 
tellect  of  Hamilton,  and  that  sentiment  has  strength 
ened  as  I  have  proceeded  in  the  study  of  his  career. 
Yet  I  have  striven  to  be  impartial ;  and  when.  I 
thought  him  in  error  I  have  openly  acknowledged 
the  fact,  without  attempting  to  give  any  false  color 
or  plausible  defence.  The  "  Life  "  has  at  least  been 


PREFACE.  IX 

written  with  thoroughly  honest  intentions.  I  have 
endeavored  to  avoid  panegyric ;  and  though  I  have 
praised  him  often  and  highly,  yet  I  can  assure  the 
reader  that  in  the  original  and  contemporary  authori 
ties  of  the  highest  respectability,  which  I  have  used, 
there  continually  occurs  laudation  so  unlimited  that 
I  have  refrained  from  reproducing  it.  I  should  be 
sorry  to  deprive  my  words  of  the  appearance  of 
veracity  by  giving  them  the  semblance  of  extrava 
gance.  But  Hamilton  was  a  man  who  excited  no 
moderate  feelings  either  of  affection  or  animosity. 
His  adherents  worshipped  him  as  a  kind  of  human 
deity ;  his  opponents  assailed  him  as  if  he  had  been 
an  incarnate  fiend.  He  was  loved  as  man  has  seldom 
been  loved,  and  hated  as  a  man  free  from  the  charge 
of  any  fearful  crime  against  his  fellow-men  has  sel 
dom  been  hated.  The  language  of  moderation  has 
never  yet  been  used  concerning  him.  How  far  I 
have  succeeded  in  achieving  it  must  be  determined 
by  those  who  may  have  the  patience  to  journey  to 
the  end  of  my  pages.  To  them  I  must  leave  it ;  yet 
with  the  presentiment  that  perchance  I  shall  succeed 
in  pleasing  neither  the  ardent  admirers  nor  the  stren 
uous  enemies  of  the  great  statesman,  and  so  may 
obtain  the  least  agreeable  of  all  proofs  of  impartiality 
—  the  disapprobation  of  both  the  opposing  parties. 

JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 

9  FAIRFIELD  STREET,  BOSTON, 
March  4,  1876. 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME    I. 


CHAPTER.  PAGES. 

I.     YOUTH 1-19 

II.     THE  REVOLUTION 20-63 

III.  THE  LAW 64-77 

IV.  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION    .  .     78-140 
V.     PROFESSIONAL  LIFE 141-154 

VI.     THE  CONSTITUTION  : 

Part    I.     Before  the  Convention  ....  155-176 

,,     II.     The  Convention 176-237 

,,  III.     Adoption  of  the  Constitution      .  238-275 

VII.     ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT  276-286 

VIII.     FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT      .     .     .  287-332 

IX.     THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK 333-347 

X.     THE  EXCISE  AND  THE  MINT 348-356 

XI.     MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION      .     .     .  357-369 
XII.     THE    TREASURY    MEASURES    AND    FEDER 
ALISM   .  370-425 


LIFE     OF 
ALEXANDER    HAMILTON 


CHAPTER  I. 

YOUTH. 

IN  1730,  Alexander  Hamilton  of  Grange,  —  one  of 
the  illustrious  Scottish  family  or  clan  of  that  name,  — 
was  married  to  Elizabeth,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Sir 
Robert  Pollock.  Many  children  were  born  of  this 
marriage.  The  fourth  son,  James,  was  bred  as  a 
merchant  and,  attracted  by  the  wide  field  for  mer 
cantile  pursuits  then  opened  in  the  West  Indies,  he 
left  his  native  country  and  settled  in  St.  Christo 
pher's.  There  he  met  and  married  a  lady  of  French 
descent.  Her  father's  name  was  Faucette,  a  Hugue 
not,  who  had  fled  from  France  to  these  islands  after 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  She  had  pre 
viously  espoused,  in  early  youth,  at  the  command  of 
her  mother  though  against  her  own  inclination,  a 
rich  Dane  named  Lavine.  But  these  forced  nup 
tials  were  followed  not  long  after  by  a  divorce,  and 
subsequently  by  the  second  and  happier  marriage 
with  Mr.  James  Hamilton.  Several  children  were 
born  to  this  couple ;  but  only  one,  the  youngest, 

VOL.    I.  1 


2  LIFE  OF,  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Alexander  Hamilton,  lived  to  mature  years.  He  was 
born  upon  the  island  of  Nevis,  on  the  eleventh  day 
of  January,  1757.  He  was  still  very  young  when  he 
had  the  misfortune  to  lose  a  mother,  who  is  repre 
sented  to  have  been  no  ordinary  woman.  It  was  her 
rare  beauty  that  had  attracted  the  attentions  of  her 
first  husband ;  but  the  child,  Alexander,  had  a  preco 
cious  appreciation  of  her  higher  charms  of  mind  and 
character.  Of  her  cultivation,  her  noble  and  gen 
erous  spirit,  and  her  refined  and  elegant  manners,  he 
ever  retained  and  was^vont  often  to  express  the 
most  lively  and  tender  i^emory. 

It  would  be  an  interesting  speculation  for  one  fond 
of  such  obscure  studies,  to  inquire  how  far  the  pecul 
iar  qualities  of  the  mind  and  character  of  Hamilton 
were  due  to  this  intermingling  of  the  blood  of  two 
widely  different  races,  and  to  the  superadded  effect  of 
his  tropical  birthplace.  It  seems  possible,  without 
becoming  over-fanciful,  to  trace  quite  clearly  these 
diverse  and  powerful  threads  of  influence.  Thus, 
there  are  plainly  to  be  noted  in  him  many  of  the  most 
marked  and  familiar  traits  of  the  genuine  Scot.  The 
intensity  and  ardor  of  his  nature  bring  at  once  to 
mind  the  phrase  in  which  one  of  their  writers 
described  what  seemed  to  him  the  most  striking 
characteristic  of  his  countrymen,  the  perfervidum 
ingenium  Scotorum.  He  manifested  also,  in  a  rare 
degree,  the  shrewdness,  the  logical  habit  of  mind, 
and  the  taste  for  discussion  based  upon  abstract  and 
general  principles,  with  which  the  Waverley  Novels 
have  made  us  familiar  as  distinguishing  aptitudes  of 
the  Scottish  intellect.  At  a  time,  too,  not  very  many 
years  after  the  Scotchman,  Adam  Smith,  was  first 


YOUTH.  3 

enlightening  the  world  upon  the  principles  of  politi 
cal  economy,  and  changing  the  policy  and  legislation 
of  nations,1  Hamilton  was  rendering  himself  famous, 
in  circumstances  of  a  novel  and  perplexing  descrip 
tion,  as  the  leading  financier  of  his  age. 

If  his  mental  traits  were  Scotch,  his  moral  traits 
carry  us  back  to  his  French  and  Huguenot  an 
cestry.  He  had  the  ease  of  manner,  the  liveliness 
and  vivacity,  the  desire  and  the  ability  to  please, 
which  Frenchmen  claim  as  their  especial  heritage. 
He  evinced  the  firm  moraj.  courage,  the  persistence 
in  noble  and  generous  endeavor,  the  power  of  self- 
sacrifice  and  the  elements  of  a  grand  heroism,  which 
might  be  expected  in  the  descendant  from  one  of 
the  high-spirited  Protestant  exiles  of  France,  a  band 
of  men  the  example  of  whose  courage  and  resolu 
tion  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  surpassed  in  the 
pages  of  history.  His  warm,  eager  temperament, 
his  whole-souled  enthusiasm,  and  his  affectionate 
nature,  may  perchance  have  been  due  in  a  measure 
to  the  influence  of  the  fervid  and  luxuriant  climate 
which  his  parents  had  adopted  as  their  home,  and 
where  he  himself  was  born  and  passed  the  suscep 
tible  years  of  boyhood.  At  least  the  astonishing 
precocity  of  his  ambition  and  the  early  development 
of  his  mind  may  not  unreasonably  be  supposed  to 
have  been  stimulated  by  this  cause.  Vague  and  very 
possibly  erroneous  as  all  surmises  of  this  kind  must 
be  considered,  it  is  yet  impossible  to  resist  the  temp 
tation  to  indulge  in  them.  So  many  rare  and  various 
qualities  were  united  in  Hamilton,  so  wonderful  is 
the  tale  of  his  mature  youth,  so  interesting  and 

l  The  "  Wealth  of  Nations  "  was  first  published  in  1776. 


4  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

attractive  is  his  career,  that  one  cannot  but  ask  with 
more  than  ordinary  curiosity  whence  came  these 
unwonted  and  remarkable  traits ;  and  speculation, 
becoming  thus  aroused,  turns  naturally  to  contem 
plate  his  parentage  and  his  birthplace  with  peculiar 
care. 

Before  the  death  of  his  mother,  his  father  had 
fallen,  "through  a  too  generous  and  easy  temper," 
into  financial  difficulties.  By  reason  of  this  poverty, 
Alexander,  who  was  the  only  child  surviving  the 
mother,  was  taken  charge  of  by  her  relatives.  They 
lived  at  Santa  Cruz  ;  and  there  he  was  put  to  school, 
and  received  such  meagre  rudiments  of  education  as 
were  accessible  in  the  neighborhood.  These,  it  is  pre 
sumed,  went  little  farther  than  a  thorough  instruc 
tion  in  English  and  French,  with  both  of  which 
languages  he  had  an  equal  and  perfect  familiarity ; 
though  one  odd,  and  not  very  useful,  acquirement 
was  the  learning  to  repeat  by  rote  the  Decalogue  in 
Hebrew, —  a  feat  which  he  accomplished  when  a  very 
young  child  at  the  school  of  a  Jewess.  The  narrow 
routine  of  his  studies  he  fortunately  supplemented 
by  a  generous  course  of  miscellaneous  reading,  guided 
in  some  measure  by  the  advice  of  one  Doctor  Knox, 
a  Presbyterian  clergyman.  But  he  was  only  between 
twelve  and  thirteen  years  old  when  he  was  removed 
from  school  altogether,  and  placed  in  the  counting- 
house  of  Mr.  Nicholas  Cruger.  Under  the  guidance 
of  this  successful  merchant  and  excellent  man,  the 
boy  made  such  rapid  advances  in  a  knowledge  of 
affairs,  that  his  employer  ventured  to  leave  the  island 
for  a  time,  and  to  place  the  whole  management  of 
the  business  in  the  sole  charge  of  Hamilton,  who  had 


YOUTH.  5 

not  at  the  time  completed  his  fourteenth  year.  Yet 
this  distinction  was  achieved  by  him  in  spite  of  a 
distaste  for  a  mercantile  career,  and  apparently  only 
by  the  assistance  of  that  thorough  and  energetic 
temper,  which  prevented  him,  throughout  his  whole 
life,  from  ever  doing  any  thing,  no  matter  how  slight 
or  contrary  to  his  native  inclination,  with  less  than 
his  whole  strength.  A  letter  written  by  him  to  a 
young  friend  and  schoolfellow  during  this  time  of  his 
mercantile  novitiate,  dated  November  11,  1769,  may 
be  read  with  a  smile,  but  is  certainly  a  remarkable 
expression  of  his  juvenile  sentiments  and  aspirations. 
It  will  be  observed  from  the  dates,  that  he  was  not 
quite  thirteen  years  old  when  he  wrote  as  follows  : 

"As  to  what  you  say  respecting  your  soon  having  the 
happiness  of  seeing  us  all,  I  wish  for  an  accomplishment  of 
your  hopes,  provided  they  are  concomitant  with  your  wel 
fare,  otherwise  not ;  though  doubt  whether  I  shall  be  present 
or  not.  For  to  confess  my  weakness,  Ned,  my  ambition  is 
prevalent,  so  that  I  contemn  the  grovelling  ambition  of  a 
clerk,  or  the  like,  to  which  my  fortune  condemns  me,  and 
would  willingly  risk  my  life,  though  not  my  character,  to 
exalt  my  station.  I  am  confident,  Ned,  that  my  youth 
excludes  me  from  any  hope  of  immediate  preferment,  nor  do 
I  desire  it ;  but  I  mean  to  prepare  the  way  for  futurity.  I'm 
no  philosopher,  you  see,  and  may  be  justly  said  to  build 
castles  in  the  air;  my  folly  makes  me  ashamed,  and  beg 
you'll  conceal  it.  Yet,  Neddy,  we  have  seen  such  schemes 
successful,  when  the  projector  is  constant.  I  shall  conclude 
by  saying,  I  wish  there  was  a  war." 

What  ultimately  proved  the  best  of  all  ^possible 
openings  for  the  "  prevalent  ambition  "  of  the  young 
clerk  came  at  last  in  the  year  1772.  In  August,  a 
hurricane  of  more  than  the  ordinary  violence,  even  in 
tropical  latitudes,  swept  over  the  Leeward  Islands. 
The  wreck  and  devastation  were  wide  and  fearful. 


6  LIFE   OF   ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Forthwith,  ere  the  terror  and  excitement  had  sub 
sided,  there  appeared  in  a  newspaper  published  at  St. 
Christopher's  an  account  so  powerful  and  so  vivid, 
that  even  the  Governor  of  St.  Croix  became  curious, 
and  exerted  himself  to  discover  the  unknown  writer. 
By  this  investigation  the  article  was  traced  to  Ham 
ilton.  The  unusual  capacity  which  it  displayed, 
taken  in  connection  with  his  age  and  prior  opportu 
nities,  led  to  farther  and  more  serious  consideration 
as  to  his  proper  career.  He  was  himself  consulted, 
and  his  own  desires,  made  known  under  these  cir 
cumstances,  were  very  kindly  allowed  to  prevail  over 
the  schemes  previously  designed  concerning  him. 
By  this  turn  of  good  fortune  it  happened  that  in 
October,  1772,  he  set  sail  for  Boston,  aided  by  such 
liberal  financial  arrangements  as  would  amply  enable 
him  to  pursue  his  studies  upon  the  most  extended 
scale  then  afforded  in  the  colonies.  The  voyage  was 
not  accomplished  without  an  incident  which,  in 
heathen  or  superstitious  days,  would  have  been 
viewed,  in  the  light  of  his  subsequent  career,  as  an 
omen  or  even  a  miracle.  Shortly  before  the  vessel 
made  port,  she  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire.  The 
extreme  peril  of  the  position  of  a  ship  in  flames  in 
mid-ocean  may  be  conceived.  Whether  it  was  due 
to  the  fact  that  she  bore  Alexander  Hamilton  and 
his  fortunes,  or  whether,  without  this  temptation  to 
Providence  to  intervene,  the  exertions  of  the  crew 
would  have  been  equally  effective  in  subduing  the 
conflagration,  may  be  an  open  question ;  but  certain 
it  is  that  the  peril  was  wonderfully  escaped,  and 
though  hope  might  have  seemed  impossible,  yet  the 
craft  was  saved  and  brought  into  Boston  harbor. 


YOUTH.  7 

Thence  Hamilton  proceeded  at  once  to  New  York 
and  placed  himself  at  a  grammar-school  of  high  re 
pute,  established  at  Elizabethtown,  under  the  patron 
age  of  Governor  Livingston  and  Mr.  Boudinot.  He 
had  the  excellent  good  fortune  to  become  intimate  in 
the  families  of  these  gentlemen  ;  and  he  brought  let 
ters  from  his  good  friend,  the  clergyman,  Dr.  Knox, 
to  other  agreeable  and  distinguished  persons  in  New 
York.  He  appears  to  have  lived  for  some  time  at 
the  house  of  Governor  Livingston ;  nor  is  it  easy  to 
overrate  the  advantage  attendant  upon  a  free  and 
cordial  reception  into  such  society,  occurring  at  once 
upon  his  first  advent  without  friends  or  connections 
in  a  new  country. 

Meantime,  Hamilton  was  assiduous  in  his  toil. 
Time,  opportunity,  and  the  money  of  his  friends  were 
all  improved  with  the  native  zeal  of  his  tempera 
ment.  In  the  winter  he  was  wont  to  prolong  his 
studies  until  midnight.  In  the  summer  he  began 
them  even  with  the  dawn.  Such  a  tremendous  pace 
devoured  the  road.  A  full  twelvemonth  had  not 
elapsed,  when  the  master  of  the  school,  Francis 
Barber,  —  a  man  of  considerable  note  in  his  calling, 
and  afterward  a  distinguished  officer  in  the  War  of  the 
Revolution,  —  declared  this  energetic  pupil  to  be  in 
every  respect  fitted  to  enter  college.  Forthwith  he 
repaired  to  Princeton,  and  called  upon  Dr.  Wither- 
spoon,  then  the  president  of  the  college  there,  a  native 
of  Edinburgh,  a  scholar  and  a  gentleman,  whose  rep 
utation  has  come  down  to  our  own  day.  Many  years 
afterward  the  doctor  and  his  would-be  pupil  sat  to 
gether  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.  To  him 
the  young  applicant  now  preferred  the  novel  request, 


8  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

that,  having  been  placed  in  the  outset  in  any  class 
for  which  by  his  examination  he  should  prove  him 
self  qualified,  he  might  be  allowed  to  advance  thence 
as  rapidly  as  he  was  able,  UD  trammelled  by  the  regu 
lations  of  the  established  curriculum.  The  request 
was  too  startling  to  find  favor  with  the  sober  trustees 
of.  the  institution  and  was  refused. 

Disappointed  here,  he  next  had  recourse  to  Colum 
bia  (then  called  King's)  College,  in  New  York.  The 
more  liberal  principles  of  that  foundation  led  to  a 
concurrence  in  his  plan,  and  he  went  through  the 
regular  course  at  his  own  rapid  pace,  under  the  in 
struction  of  a  private  tutor  and  not  as  a  member  of 
any  particular  class.  Nor  did  he  even  confine  him 
self  to  the  allotted  studies,  but  added  a  series  of 
lectures  upon  anatomy,  and  was  likewise  an  energetic 
member  of  a  debating  club,  where  he  is  said  to  have 
especially  distinguished  himself. 

The  country  to  which  Hamilton  had  come  in  search 
of  a  collegiate  education  was  in  but  indifferent  con 
dition  to  afford  days  of  uninterrupted  and  studious 
leisure  for  the  tranquil  pursuit  of  learning,  especially 
to  a  youth  who  was  troubled  with  a  "  prevalent  am 
bition,"  and  nourished  longings  for  a  war.  The  rev 
olutionary  storm  had  been  already  brewing  for  several 
years  when  he  first  landed.  In  1765,  the  stamp  act 
had  been  passed.  In  1768,  the  famous  circular  letter 
of  Massachusetts  was  sent  forth  among  her  sister 
colonies.  In  the  winter  of  1769-1770,  there  were 
mobs  in  New  York  City,  and  more  or  less  frequent 
and  serious  collisions  between  the  patriot  populace 
and  the  British  soldiery.  On  the  fifth  of  March, 
1770,  took  place  the  famous  Boston  massacre  on  King 


YOUTH.  9 

Street.  It  was  not  till  October,  1772,  that  Hamilton 
first  arrived  in  the  country,  and  it  was  in  the  autumn 
of  1773,  or  early  in  the  ensuing  winter,  that  he  en 
tered  college. 

Tumultuous  as  was  the  state  of  public  affairs 
around  him,  he  for  a  short  time  steadfastly  pursued 
his  studies,  and  seems  by  his  undisturbed  and  thought 
ful  demeanor,  so  singular  in  those  months  of  univer 
sal  excitement,  to  have  attracted  attention.  He  had 
come  to  New  York  to  fulfil  a  specific  purpose,  which 
with  his  usual  tenacity  he  was  resolved  to  carry  out. 
He  had  not  expected  to  act  at  once ;  he  intended  to 
fit  himself  to  act  in  the  future.  Preparation  was  his 
immediate  object.  Moreover,  he  had  just  emerged 
from  a  loyal  neighborhood ;  the  history  and  traditions 
of  his  new  home  were  novel  to  him ;  the  long  series 
of  indignities  and  aggressions,  which  had  nearly 
wrought  the  colonists  up  to  fighting  heat,  had  been 
unfelt  by  him.  For  a  few  months  after  his  advent 
upon  the  soil  of  the  States  he  felt  himself  a  sojourn- 
er  and  a  foreigner ;  nor  was  it  certain  that  he  would 
ever  be  a  citizen.  His  destiny  was  undeveloped; 
even  his  wishes,  for  aught  that  appears,  were  unde 
termined.  It  naturally  took  some  little  time  to  im 
pregnate  him  with  the  sentiments  of  the  strangers 
amongst  whom  he  had  suddenly  alighted.  Nor  was 
he  at  once  pressed  to  choose  his  course.  The  results 
of  the  universal  agitation  were  still  embryotic  and 
uncertain.  Discontent  and  anger  were  rife ;  but 
private  discussions,  interspersed  with  an  occasional 
public  meeting,  address,  or  street  disturbance,  were 
thus  far  the  only  forms  of  action.  There  was  no 
opening  for  Hamilton  to  take  any  important  part  in 


10  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

any  movement  promising  to  have  permanent  conse 
quences,  even  if  his  youth  and  his  incomplete  train 
ing  were  obstacles  which  he  would  have  been  inclined 
to  overlook.  To  some  of  the  same  causes  may  be 
attributed  the  fact  that  his  earliest  prejudices  in 
the  matter,  formed  evidently  upon  a  very  imperfect 
examination  of  the  questions  at  issue,  and  deserving 
to  be  called  impressions  rather  than  opinions,  leaned 
to  the  side  of  the  British  Government. 

But  in  the  spring  of  1774  he  made  a  visit  to  Bos 
ton.  Only  a  few  months  had  elapsed  since  the  raid 
had  been  made  upon  the  tea-ships  in  Boston  harbor ; 
and  Hamilton  came  among  the  citizens  while  the  "  tea- 
party  "  and  its  probable  consequences,  more  especially 
the  famous  "  Boston  Port  bill,"  were  the  subject  of 
animated  discussion  upon  every  side.  Away  from 
his  tutor  and  his  books,  and  the  shade  of  the  great 
placid  trees  of  his  favorite  promenade  on  Batteau 
Street,  he  gave  more  thought  to  the  affairs  of  the  pass 
ing  hour.  He  was  in  a  good  neighborhood  to  obtain 
thorough  enlightenment ;  and  the  result  of  his  inves 
tigations  was  a  complete  change  of  his  previous  vague 
notions,  and  a  zealous  enlistment  in  the  ranks  of  the 
colonists. 

The  rapidity  with  which,  having  once  begun  an 
examination  of  the  subject,  and  still  not  neglecting 
his  collegiate  studies,  he  became  master  of  all  the 
arguments  which  had  been  or  could  well  be  advanced 
upon  either  side  must  excite  admiration.  On  July  6, 
a  great  meeting  of  the  patriots  of  the  city  of  New  York 
was  summoned  to  meet  in  the  suburbs.  Those  among 
the  inhabitants  of  this  State  who  were  inclined  to  re 
sist  the  British  pretensions  had  grave  and  peculiar 


YOUTH.  11 

difficulties  to  encounter.  The  lower  house  or  Assem 
bly  was  controlled  by  politicians  in  the  Tory  interest ; 
and  when  it  became  desirable  to  act  upon  the  propo 
sition  for  holding  a  general  congress,  to  be  composed 
of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies,  it  seemed  but  too 
likely  that  this  hostile  majority  would  succeed  in 
preventing  the  patriots  of  New  York  from  obtaining 
any  representation  in  the  national  body.  It  was  in 
the  hope  of  effecting  a  choice  of  delegates  by  the 
people  at  large,  that  "  the  great  meeting  in  the  fields  " 
was  convened.  A  vast  multitude  assembled,  and 
was  addressed  by  many  speakers  of  note. 

Hamilton  stood  by  and  listened.  But  with  listen 
ing  his  blood  warmed.  To  all  which  had  been  said 
he  felt  that  he  could  add  something  of  value,  and, 
eager  to  add  it,  at  last  gathered  courage  to  rise  and 
address  the  people.  He  was  only  seventeen  years 
old,  and  of  such  short  and  slight  stature,  that  he 
presented  the  appearance  almost  of  a  boy.  The 
throng  of  grown  men  was  astonished.  It  was,  in 
deed,  a  daring  experiment  that  was  made  before 
them ;  but  the  courage  which  had  incited  Hamilton 
to  the  undertaking  carried  him  bravely  through  it. 
He  faltered  for  a  moment;  but  the  people  before 
him  were  kindly  attentive  and  patient ;  he  promptly 
collected  himself  and  soon  forgot  all  else  in  the  ardor 
of  oratory.  It  is  related  that  the  speech  was  a  bril 
liant  success,  and  secured  admiration  and  applause. 
If  it  had  been  not  altogether  a  failure,  the  wonder 
would  have  been  great  enough.  For  it  was  not  an 
harangue  delivered  to  a  promiscuous  crowd,  but  an 
argumentative  address  made  to  a  body  of  the  best 
persons  on  the  patriot  side  in  the  city,  who  had  come 


12  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

together  to  transact  some  very  serious  business.  That 
he  held  the  ear  of  such  a  body  of  men  was  enough 
at  once  and  by  itself  to  confer  upon  Hamilton  no  in 
considerable  reputation. 

At  this  point  it  must  be  considered  that  not  only 
the  boyhood  but  even  the  youth  of  Alexander  Ham 
ilton  have  been  brought  to  a  close.  Already  he  had 
presented  himself  in  a  conspicuous  manner,  before 
the  people  among  whom  he  lived,  as  one  capable  of 
guiding  and  counselling.  From  this  mature  position, 
once  assumed,  there  could  be  no  retrogression. 
Those  who  love  to  study  the  unfolding  of  great 
powers,  and  to  ponder  upon  the  chrysalis  stage  of 
genius,  may  be  disappointed  that  so  few  pages  of 
meagre  narrative  are  furnished  for  the  gratification 
of  their  taste.  But  I  believe  that  nothing  more  is 
known  of  the  first  seventeen  years  of  Hamilton's 
life,  than  has  been  told  in  the  foregoing  pages.  Few 
as  these  are,  yet  they  have  completed  the  tale, 
and  here  we  must  take  leave  of  the  youth.  For  the 
future  we  shall  see  only  one  treated  as  a  grown  man, 
doing  the  work  of  a  grown  man  in  the  fashion  of  a 
grown  man.  He  emerged  from  immaturity  at  least 
eight  or  ten  years  earlier  than  the  generality  even  of 
distinguished  men ;  and  he  emerged  from  it  so  fully 
and  decisively,  that  scarce  a  trace  of  it,  save  in  his 
personal  appearance,  remained  at  any  time  afterward 
perceptible.  . 

Hamilton  was  now  both  in  the  public  expectation 
and  by  his  own  feelings  fully  committed  to  the  colo 
nial  struggle,  and  he  prosecuted  his  part  therein  with 
his  wonted  spirit  and  ardor.  At  that  stage  of  the 
contest  the  pen  was  the  chief  weapon  employed,  and 


YOUTH.  13 

this  was  actively  wielded  upon  both  sides,  preem 
inently  so  in  New  York.  Hamilton  was  a  frequent  . 
contributor  to  the  columns  of  a  whig  newspaper  pub 
lished  in  the  city  by  John  Holt  and  devoted  to  the 
patriot  cause.  Sometimes  he  sent  grave  and  argu 
mentative  articles,  sometimes  he  fell  into  the  satirical 
vein,  and  occasionally  he  furnished  burlesque  and 
doggerel  rhymes.  But  whatever  form  his  writings 
took,  they  never  failed  to  attract  notice,  and  often 
to  elicit  the  praise  of  such  men  as  Jay,  McDougall, 
and  other  literary  combatants  of  established  repute 
in  the  cause. 

Shortly  after  the  adjournment  of  the  first  Con 
gress,  there  were  published  two  essays  written  jointly 
by  Dr.  Seabury,  afterward  Bishop  of  Connecticut, 
and  Mr.  Wilkins,  an  able  clergyman  of  Westches- 
ter  County,  N.  Y.  The  first  was  entitled,  "Free 
Thoughts  on  the  Proceedings  of  the  Continental 
Congress  ;  "  the  second  was  called,  "  Congress  Can 
vassed  ;  By  a  Westchester  Farmer."  These  were 
really  papers  of  much  cleverness  and  force,  stating 
the  British  side  of  the  controversy  in  a  clear,  pungent 
style,  yet  in  that  homely  form  of  argument  which 
was  especially  desired.  They  were  loudly  cried  up 
by  the  loyalists,  were  widely  read  and  discussed, 
were  gratuitously  distributed  by  the  party  in  whose 
cause  they  had  been  written,  and  altogether  bid  fair, 
if  left  unanswered  or  only  feebly  answered,  to  do 
serious  injury  to  the  popular  cause.  The  dangerous 
character  of  these  tracts  was  sufficiently  proved  by 
the  wrath  which  they  aroused  in  the  breasts  of  the 
patriots,  who  proposed  to  indict  the  author  and  pub 
lisher  for  treasonable  designs,  and  at  a  county  meet- 


14  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ing  gave  vent  to  their  rage  by  tarring  and  feathering 
the  printed  sheets  and  nailing  them  to  the  pillory. 
Fortunately,  protest  and  opposition  soon  took  a  more 
sensible  and  effectual  form.  A  fortnight  had  not 
elapsed  after  the  first  appearance  of  the  offensive 
pamphlets,  ere  there  was  published  another  broad 
side  purporting  to  be  "  A  Full  Vindication  of  the 
Measures  of  Congress  from  the  Calumnies  of  their 
Enemies,  in  Answer  to  a  Letter  under  the  signature  of 
a  W.  Farmer,  &c."  This  document  was  so  forcible 
that  the  tory  writers  felt  compelled  to  come  to  the 
rescue  of  the  tracts,  which  they  had  already  sent  into 
the  field,  with  still  another  of  the  like  tenor.  In  this, 
the  Westchester  Farmer  gave  his  "  View  of  the 
Controversy."  His  temper  evidently  had  not  been 
improved  by  contact  with  an  adversary.  But  neither 
the  temper  nor  the  arguments  of  that  adversary 
seemed  to  have  suffered  in  their  turn ;  for  he  promptly 
replied  with  a  pamphlet  entitled,  "  The  Farmer 
Refuted,  &c." 

This  last  publication,  which  made  quite  a  little  vol 
ume,  was  thorough  and  exhaustive,  and  apparently 
discouraged  the  clergymen  from  further  prolonging  a 
contest  in  which  they  had  experienced  an  opposition 
of  such  unexpected  force.  For  a  time  the  patriot 
writer  remained  unknown,  though  much  curiosity 
was  expressed  concerning  him ;  especially  were  the 
gentlemen  amongst  whom  he  had  carried  such  an 
unpleasant  fluttering  desirous  to  discover  who  he 
was ;  and  for  a  few  weeks  the  inquiry  prosecuted 
with  equal  eagerness  by  both  parties  was  as  hot  in 
the  interested  neighborhood,  as  ever  it  was  for  the 
author  of  "Waverley"  or  for  the  veritable  Junius. 


YOUTH.  15 

It  was  conceived  to  be  impossible  that  a  novice  could 
have  achieved  such  distinction,  nor  was  there  notice 
able  any  immaturity  in  thought  or  style  promotive 
of  this  suspicion.  The  credit  was  at  first  divided; 
between  Mr.  Jay  and  Governor  Livingston,  whose 
reputations  received  no  small  accretion  from  the 
belief.  When  by  degrees  the  name  of  Hamilton, 
a  lad  whose  eighteenth  birthday  only  had  occurred 
between  the  dates  of  the  publication  of  his  two 
tracts,  was  given  as  that  of  the  writer,  the  incredulity 
expressed  at  first  soon  gave  way,  in  the  face  of  cer 
tain  proof,  to  unlimited  admiration  and  astonishment. 
Oddly  enough  it  happened  that  Dr.  Cooper,  Presi 
dent  of  King's  College,  where  Hamilton  was  still 
pursuing  his  studies,  had  occasionally  been  engaged 
in  controversy  with  the  student  in  the  anonymous 
warfare  of  the  newspapers.  He  was  with  difficulty 
made  to  believe  in  the  identity  of  the  distinguished 
patriot  writer  with  the  laborious  young  disciple. 
But  to  his  credit  it  should  be  recorded,  that,  when 
convinced  by  irrefragable  testimony,  he  seems,  in  spite 
of  the  warmth  which  often  signalized  the  contest, 
never  to  have  sought  an  ignoble  revenge  by  harass 
ing  his  audacious  pupil. 

It  is  not  probable  that  these  essays  will  be  read 
hereafter  by  any  persons  save  patient  and  laborious 
students  of  the  history  of  that  era.  Neither  would 
an  abstract,  however  brief,  of  the  arguments  ad 
vanced  in  them  prove  acceptable  to  the  generality 
of  readers.  Such  an  abstract  could  not,  indeed,  be 
easily  drawn ;  for  one  of  the  distinguishing  traits  of 
the  papers  was  their  terse  and  pointed  style.  But 
the  foresight  displayed  in  some  parts  of  the  second 


16  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

pamphlet  deserves  a  moment's  notice.  The  writer 
ventures  to  speak  of  a  possible  condition  of  inde 
pendence.  He  looks  forward  to  and  discusses  the 
effect  of  the  establishment  of  manufactures  —  espe 
cially  of  cotton  fabrics  —  in  this  country.  He  fore 
shadows  that  system,  since  so  zealously  prosecuted, 
of  making  this  continent  sufficient  unto  itself  and 
independent,  if  need  should  be,  of  all  other  nations 
of  the  globe.  Referring  to  the  chances  of  war,  he 
depicts  beforehand,  with  what  proved  to  be  perfect 
accuracy,  the  peculiar  military  character  which  that 
war  must  assume  as  one  of  defence,  —  the  Americans 
availing  themselves  largely  of  the  nature  and  extent 
of  the  country  to  harass,  and  by  degrees  to  tire  out, 
the  enemy.  He  urged  the  probability  that  France, 
and  perhaps  also  Spain,  might  see  their  own  interest 
in  taking  even  an  active  part  in  our  behalf  in  any 
struggle  with  Great  Britain.  To  us,  who  have  seen 
these  predictions  fulfilled,  and  who  are  familiar  with 
them  as  accomplished  facts,  this  foresight  may  seem 
natural ;  but  it  was  not  shared  even  by  able  colonial 
leaders  at  that  day. 

After  the  authorship  was  discovered,  it  was  deemed 
by  the  royalists  to  be  very  desirable  to  enlist  such  a 
recruit  in  their  own  ranks.  The  fact  that  Hamilton 
was  so  young,  and  comparatively  a  stranger  in  the 
land,  made  it  seem  not  improbable  that  he  had  been 
prompted  in  his  labors  by  the  desire  of  distinguish 
ing  himself  in  the  quarter  where  the  opportunities 
for  distinction  seemed  most  promising,  rather  than 
by  any  deep  conviction  or  warm  feeling  in  behalf  of 
the  colonists.  He  was  accordingly  approached  with 
offers  of  liberal  compensation  and  handsome  treat- 


YOUTH.  17 

merit,  if  he  would,  as  it  was  supposed  that  he  easily 
might,  change  his  opinions  and  embrace  the  British 
side.  But  so  far  as  his  undertakings  had  been  due 
to  the  incitement  of  ambition,  that  ambition  had 
been  of  a  thoroughly  honorable  kind.  He  had  taken 
no  active  or  decided  part,  until  he  had  made  up  his 
mind  clearly  and  finally  with  which  party  the  right 
lay.  All  inducements  thereafterward  held  out  to 
him  to  desert  that  part  were  met  with  an  unhesitating 
refusal. 

Four  months  later,  in  June,  1775,  the  "  Remarks 
on  the  Quebec  Bill"  were  published,  and  not  only 
maintained  but  extended  the  reputation  already 
won.1 

But  events  were  travelling  fast  in  these  days, 
and  pamphlet-writing  was  soon  superseded  by  more 

1  To  protect  myself  from  the  charge  of  exaggeration,  after  the 
too  frequent  fashion  of  biographers,  let  me  sustain  my  own  remarks 
by  quoting  the  words  of  a  writer  amply  qualified  to  judge,  and  not 
wont  to  use  the  language  of  overheated  admiration.  Mr.  George 
Ticknor  Curtis  says,  in  a  brief  re'sumf  of  Hamilton's  life  and  char 
acter :  "At  the  age  of  seventeen,  his  political  life  was  already  be 
gun  ;  for  at  that  age  and  while  still  at  college,  he  wrote  and  published 
a  series  of  essays  on  the  '  Rights  of  the  Colonies/  which  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  whole  country.  There  are  displayed  in  these 
papers  a  power  of  reasoning  and  sarcasm,  a  knowledge  of  the  princi 
ples  of  government  and  of  the  English  constitution,  and  a  grasp  of 
the  merits  of  the  whole  controversy,  that  would  have  done  honor  to 
any  man  at  any  age,  and  in  a  youth  of  seventeen  are  wonderful. 
To  say  that  they  evince  precocity  of  intellect,  gives  no  idea  of  their 
main  characteristics.  They  show  great  maturity,  —  a  more  remark 
able  maturity  than  has  ever  been  exhibited  by  any  other  person,  at 
so  early  an  age,  in  the  same  department  of  thought.  They  produced, 
too,  a  great  effect.  Their  influence  in  bringing  the  public  mind  to 
the  point  of  resistance  to  the  mother  country  was  important  and 
extensive."  —  History  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  vol.  i. 
p.  408. 

VOL.    I.  2 


18  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

active  exertions.  Blood  was  shed  in  Massachu 
setts  at  Lexington,  and  in  New  York  mobs  were 
frequently  parading  the  streets  and  committing  oc 
casional  outrages  against  the  more  notorious  and 
unpopular  tories.  On  two  occasions  of  this  nature, 
Hamilton  distinguished  himself  as  the  champion  of 
law  and  order.  An  assault  was  made  upon  the  resi 
dence  of  Dr.  Cooper,  the  president  of  the  college, 
with  the  design  of  seizing  his  person  and  inflicting 
some  manner  of  indignity  upon  him.  Fearful  for 
the  result,  should  the  excited  rioters  get  the  unpop 
ular  gentleman  in  their  grasp,  Hamilton,  backed  by 
his  friend  Troup,  ascended  the  steps  and  began  an 
address  to  the  crowd.  The  terrified  doctor,  know 
ing  his  young  student's  proclivities,  and  by  no  means 
equally  sure  of  his  good  sense  and  moderation,  at 
once  conceived  that  he  was  instigating  the  people 
to  outrage,  and  shrieked  out  to  them  from  a  window, 
begging  them  not  to  listen  to  him,  for  that  he  was 
crazy !  Soon,  however,  gaining  a  clearer  view  of  the 
situation,  the  besieged  gentleman  hastened  to  avail 
himself  of  the  brief  and  valuable  diversion  which 
his  friendly  advocate  was  making  for  him,  and  escap 
ing  out  of  the  house  he  made  his  way  to  a  British 
war  vessel  in  the  river,  where  he  could  receive 
protection. 

A  like  exploit  followed  soon  afterwards.  Eiv- 
ington,  the  printer,  kept  his  press  in  the  city  of 
New  York  constantly  busy  in  the  service  of  the 
royalists,  only  occasionally  publishing  a  pamphlet  on 
the  other  side  in  order  to  divert  hostile  observation. 
The  ruse  was  too  palpable  to  be  successful ;  yet  the 
popular  indignation  was  still  held  within  bounds, 


YOUTH.  19 

until  one  Captain  Sears,  a  New  Yorker,  of  a  fiery 
temperament  and  of  most  rash  zeal  in  the  cause  of 
the  colonies,  disgusted  with  the  meekness  and  long- 
suffering  of  his  fellow-citizens,  crossed  into  Connec 
ticut,  and  there  raising  a  troop  of  seventy-five 
horsemen  returned  forthwith  at  the  head  of  his 
cavaliers  to  the  city  of  New  York.  At  high  noon 
he  rode  gallantly  into  the  place ;  the  mob  gathered 
at  the  heels  of  his  band  in  considerable  force,  and 
the  whole  motley  throng  made  straight  for  the  print 
ing-house.  There  Hamilton,  and  some  few  moderate 
spirits,  encountered  the  raiders  and  undertook  to 
check  their  fury.  Hamilton,  especially,  made  him 
self  conspicuous  in  the  effort,  at  no  inconsiderable 
peril  to  himself,  in  addressing  his  excited  and  tur 
bulent  hearers.  Unfortunately  his  courage  was  dis 
played  in  vain.  The  presses  were  smashed  with 
vindictive  thoroughness,  and  the  leaden  types,  which 
had  been  defiled  by  use  in  the  expression  of  tory 
arguments,  were  carried  into  Connecticut  and  there 
melted  into  patriot  bullets.  The  band,  on  their  re 
turn,  seized  a  tory  clergyman  and  a  justice  of  the 
peace  in  Westchester  County,  and  carried  them  off 
as  quasi  prisoners  of  war  into  Connecticut.  The 
affair  was  very  near  breeding  a  serious  dissension 
between  the  two  colonies,  but  graver  events  and  the 
national  crisis  rapidly  supervening  put  an  end  to 
untimely  differences  of  this  nature. 


20  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


CHAPTER    II. 

THE    REVOLUTION. 

THE  war  which  the  boy  had  longed  for  was  now 
actually  at  hand.  For  a  long  while,  every  passing 
day  had  been  rendering  more  hopeless  the  prospect  of 
a  peaceful  extrication  from  the  long-growing  quarrel ; 
and  when  at  length  Congress  proclaimed  its  resolu 
tion  to  fight,  a  sufficiently  large  proportion  of  the 
people  of  the  colonies  exhibited  the  like  temper  to 
make  it  evident  that  the  contest  would  neither  be 
shunned  in  the  outset  nor  hastily  abandoned  after  its 
inception.  The  path  to  usefulness  and  to  distinction 
could  no  longer  be  mistaken,  and  Hamilton  set  him 
self  energetically  to  learn  the  art  of  war,  both  in 
theory  and  in  practice.  He  studied  pyrotechnics 
and  gunnery  in  books  and  as  the  pupil  of  an  English 
bombardier.  Then,  as  the  military  fervor  spread  and 
opportunity  offered,  he  joined  a  volunteer  corps  of 
young  men,  composed  chiefly  of  his  fellow-students, 
and  instructed  daily  by  an  ex-adjutant  of  the  British 
army.  They  assumed  the  chivalrous  name  of  "  Hearts 
of  Oak,"  arrayed  themselves  in  green  uniforms,  and 
wore  leathern  caps  inscribed  with  the  motto,  "  Free 
dom  or  Death."  Thus  equipped,  they  presented  a 


THE  REVOLUTION.  21 

gay  and  gallant  appearance.  But  they  were  as  ready 
to  act  as  they  were  to  parade  ;  and  once,  at  least,  it 
happened  that  they  had  the  honor  to  be  engaged  in  a 
service  of  substantial  importance  and  real  peril.  They 
were  ordered  by  the  provincial  committee  to  remove 
the  cannon  stationed  on  the  Battery.  While  thus 
employed,  a  boat  approached  from  the  British  man- 
of-war  "  Asia,"  which  lay  anchored  not  far  off  in  the 
harbor.  The  citizens,  conceiving  that  the  boat  was 
sent  to  interfere  with  the  removal,  fired  upon  it; 
whereupon  the  "  Asia  "  sent  a  broadside  to  the  Bat 
tery,  which  wounded  three  of  the  party  and  killed 
one  of  his  comrades  at  Hamilton's  side.  He,  it  is 
related,  "exhibited  the  greatest  unconcern."  In 
deed,  his  personal  courage,  thus  for  the  first  time 
proved,  was  often  afterward  put  to  severer  tests,  and 
was  always  acknowledged  to  be  of  the  highest  and 
most  tranquil  type. 

Erelong  the  Convention  of  New  York,  among 
other  measures  of  military  preparation,  issued  orders 
for  the  raising  of  a  company  of  artillery.  Hamilton 
promptly  applied  for  the  captaincy,  and  having 
proved  his  competence  by  satisfactorily  passing  an 
examination  he  received  his  commission,  and  was 
ordered  to  guard  the  colonial  records.  He  was  assid 
uous  in  the  drill  and  instruction  of  his  men,  until  the 
company  became  a  model  of  discipline.  Such  qual 
ities  of  finished  soldiership  were  not  so  abundant  in 
those  days  of  raw  recruits,  that  they  were  liable  to  be 
long  neglected  or  overlooked.  It  happened  one  day 
that  General  Greene  saw  this  troop  at  its  exercise  in 
the  suburbs.  The  unusual  accuracy  of  its  evolutions 
attracted  his  attention,  and  he  hastened  to  make  the 


22  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

acquaintance  of  the  commander.  In  the  short  talk 
which  he  had  with  the  lad,  he  was  much  struck  by 
the  display  of  military  aptitude.  He  spoke  of  his 
new  acquaintance  to  Washington,  invited  Hamilton 
to  his  own  quarters ;  and  from  that  day  began  an  ac 
quaintance  which,  in  the  outset  of  his  military  career, 
was  useful  in  bringing  the  young  officer  into  notice, 
and  aiding  him  to  secure  the  position  which  he  de 
served.  His  own  turn  to  be  of  service  to  General 
Greene  came  later  in  the  war,  and  was  fully  im 
proved. 

Captain  Hamilton's  first  experience  of  actual  war 
fare  was  in  the  ill-starred  battle  of  Long  Island. 
Certainly  it  cannot  be  said  that  he  was  inducted  into 
a  knowledge  of  the  arduousness  of  his  new  profession 
gently  or  gradually.  A  defeat  more  disastrous,  or 
containing  more  elements  tending  to  the  demoraliza 
tion  of  new  troops,  is  not  to  be  found,  at  least  in 
the  records  of  American  history.  The  most  raw  and 
ignorant  among  the  common  soldiers  must  have  seen, 
ere  the  action  was  far  advanced,  that  the  British  had 
completely  out-generalled  their  opponents.  They 
were  not  only  massed  formidably  in  front  of  the 
Americans,  but  they  had  marched  in  force  through 
the  unprotected  Bedford  pass  of  the  hills ;  they 
were  pouring  in  their  volleys  in  flank  and  even 
in  some  degree  in  the  rear  of  the  Continentals, 
and  were  rapidly  cutting  them  off  altogether  from 
the  line  of  their  entrenchments.  The  Hessians, 
rushing  forward  to  close  quarters,  were  plying  the 
bayonet  with  bloody  ferocity.  Of  five  thousand 
troops  engaged  on  the  American  side,  only  about 
three  thousand  unwounded  men  succeeded  in  get- 


THE  REVOLUTION.  23 

ting  within  their  redoubts  when  the  gathering  dark 
ness  put  an  end  to  the  struggle.  Hamilton  was  in 
the  thick  of  the  fight,  and  lost  his  baggage  and  a 
field-piece. 

But  service  more  trying  to  his  nerve,  and  wherein 
the  sustaining  excitement  of  conflict  was  wanting, 
was  performed  by  him  on  the  third  night  thereafter. 
In  the  interval  the  army  was  recruited  to  nine 
thousand  men  by  the  arrival  of  detachments  of  fresh 
troops ;  but  the  movements  of  the  enemy  made  it 
necessary  to  fall  back  into  the  city  of  New  York, 
provided  so  perilous  a  manoeuvre  could  be  executed. 
It  would  have  been  easier  for  a  general  to  resolve  to 
fight  a  battle,  even  with  a  very  slender  hope  of  vic 
tory,  than  to  determine  upon  this  move,  which,  if 
frustrated,  must  have  worse  results  than  could  be 
expected  to  follow  the  most  crushing  defeat.  But 
the  attempt  was  to  be  made.  In  order  to  accomplish 
it,  it  was  necessary  that  after  night-fall  and  before 
daybreak  the  whole  army  should  be  withdrawn 
stealthily  from  its  encampments  close  beneath  the  vig 
ilant  eyes  of  the  British  sentries ;  should  be  brought 
down  to  the  water's  edge,  embarked  and  transported 
across  the  swift  tide  of  the  Sound,  a  distance  of 
three-quarters  of  a  mile,  to  the  opposite  shore.  It 
was  obvious  enough  to  all  that  the  undertaking  was 
that  of  desperate  men.  Discovery  by  the  British 
would  have  resulted  in  a  fearful  carnage  and  the  inev 
itable  destruction  of  the  army :  possibly  even  in  the 
crushing  of  the  cause  itself.  Perhaps  no  other  pe 
riod  of  equal  brevity  in  the  whole  war  was  fraught 
with  such  momentous  risk  as  was  crowded  into  the 
short  hours  of  that  foggy  night ;  nor  would  it  proba- 


24  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

bly  be  erroneous  to  say  that  more  glory,  in  a  purely 
military  point  of  view,  was  achieved  by  the  success 
ful  prosecution  of  the  retreat  than  had  been  lost  by 
the  previous  defeat.  While  the  regiments  were  care 
fully  and  silently  filing  down  to  the  landing-place, 
with  eyes  and  ears  rendered  alert  by  an  anxiety  which 
may  be  imagined  for  the  sound  of  discovery  and 
alarm  in  the  hostile  lines,  Hamilton  with  his  com 
pany  was  detailed  to  the  honorable  but  dangerous 
and  most  trying  task  of  bringing  up,  covering,  and, 
in  case  of  need,  protecting  the  rear  of  the  retiring 
forces.  Fortunately  he  was  not  attacked,  or  it  is 
only  too  probable  that  there  would  never  have  been 
occasion  to  write  these  pages.  Yet  the  anxiety  was 
none  the  less  during  the  creeping  hours,  and  amid 
such  arduous  and  responsible  duties  it  is  not  surpris 
ing  that  the  youth  matured  rapidly  into  the  man. 

Hamilton  remained  with  the  army  during  the 
manoeuvres  upon  the  river  banks  to  the  north  of  the 
city ;  and  was  in  the  engagement  at  White  Plains. 
Thereafter  he  was  detached  to  cover  a  post  near  Fort 
Washington.  Annoyed  at  the  fall  of  that  important 
position  he  offered  to  storm  it,  but  General  Washing 
ton  conceived  the  undertaking  to  be  too  hazardous 
and  declined  the  daring  proposition.  He  rejoined 
the  main  army  soon  after  that  event,  and  then  contin 
ued  with  it ;  accompanying  it  in  the  retreat  into  the 
Jerseys,  and  going  through  the  marching  and  coun 
termarching  in  that  country,  which  proved  harassing 
enough  to  the  body,  but  even  more  so  to  the  mind. 
He  had  his  share,  with  the  rest  of  the  troops,  of  the 
laurels  won  at  Princeton  and  at  Trenton. 

The  army  was  not  so  large  in  that  period  of  gloom 


THE   REVOLUTION.  25 

and  depression,  that  the  merit  of  any  individual  was 
in  danger  of  being  obscured  by  the  multitude  of  com 
petitors.  Washington  one  day  in  going  his  rounds 
observed  some  works  constructed  with  more  than 
common  skill.  Inquiry  showed  that  they  were 
superintended  by  the  young  officer  already  brought 
so  favorably  to  his  notice  by  General  Greene.  The 
artillery  company  under  Hamilton's  command  had 
still  continued  to  be  distinguished  by  its  excellent 
discipline  and  soldierly  air,  but  it  had  become  re 
duced  by  hard  service  in  fighting  and  in  marching, 
till  it  no  longer  numbered  more  than  twenty-five 
men.  At  the  head  of  this  mere  fragment  the  capac 
ity  of  such  a  captain  was  wasted,  and  General  Wash 
ington,  planning  better  things  for  him,  invited  him  to 
headquarters  at  Morristown,  and  proposed  to  place 
him  upon  his  own  staff. 

Such  an  expression  of  confidence  in  his  character 
and  abilities  was  flattering  indeed  to  the  young  sol 
dier.  Yet  it  was  not  without  hesitation  and  even  a 
slight  degree  of  reluctance,  that  he  concluded  to 
accept  the  position.  Twice  already  a  similar  place 
had  been  offered  to  him  upon  the  staff  of  a  general 
officer,  and  each  time  he  had  declined  it.  His  objec 
tion  to  it  was,  that  it  took  him  out  of  the  line  of  pro 
motion.  A  position  in  which  he  would  be  more  able 
to  win  distinction  and  more  free  to  push  forward,  as 
his  aspiring  nature  prompted  him  to  do,  was  far  bet 
ter  suited  to  his  taste.  Yet  the  staff  of  Washington 
was  very  different  from  that  of  a  subordinate ;  and 
furthermore  Hamilton  entertained  such  sentiments 
of  respect  and  affection  for  his  chief,  that  he  could 
not  easily  determine  to  refuse  the  request  preferred 


26  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

with  no  small  degree  of  warmth  and  earnestness. 
Having  agreed  to  the  plan,  therefore,  he  was  duly 
appointed,  with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel,  on 
March  1,  1777. 

His  situation  certainly  was  as  agreeable  as  in  its 
nature  it  could  be.  His  comrades  were  Tilghman 
and  Meade,  and  the  "Old  Secretary,"  Harrison; 
attractive  and  amiable  gentlemen,  possessing  more 
than  ordinary  talents  and  cultivation,  with  whom  it 
was  altogether  agreeable  to  associate  upon  intimate 
terms.  The  last  named,  a  most  kindly,  popular,  and 
accomplished  officer,  old  enough  to  be  Hamilton's 
father,  took  an  especial  fancy  to  him,  and  dubbed 
him  "the  little  lion,"  — a  sobriquet  by  which  he  long 
continued  to  be  familiarly  known  among  the  circle 
of  his  intimate  friends.  But  young  as  he  was  he 
held  his  own  among  his  seniors  in  all  matters  of 
grave  counsel,  whether  of  a  purely  military  or  of  a 
quasi-civil  nature.  With  singular  freedom  from  jeal 
ousy,  they  frankly  accorded  to  him  the  consideration 
to  which  the  intrinsic  value  of  his  suggestions  enti 
tled  him.  His  opinions  were  received  with  kindly 
respect,  and  the  terms  upon  which  he  associated 
with  the  commander-in-chief  and  his  military  family 
were  as  honorable  to  the  spirit  of  those  gentlemen  as 
to  the  intellect  of  Hamilton.  Indeed  he  soon  came 
to  be  considered  as  Washington's  "principal  and 
most  confidential  aide."  In  all  matters  of  moment  it 
was  his  advice  that  was  most  anxiously  sought,  most 
carefully  weighed,  most  frequently  followed  in  whole 
or  in  part.  If  this  is  creditable  to  his  head,  no  less 
creditable  is  it  to  his  feelings  and  his  sense  that, 
young  as  he  was  when  these  honors  were  conferred 


THE  REVOLUTION.  27 

upon  him,  he  yet  fully  escaped  the  unpopularity 
attendant  upon  arrogance  and  conceit.  Those  with 
whom  he  had  most  to  do  ever  proved  to  be  his 
warmest  and  best  friends.  Lafayette  records,  that  in 
an  intercourse  of  five  years  not  even  any  temporary 
disagreement  or  ill-will  was  excited. 

Nine  months  after  he  had  been  appointed  aide-de 
camp,  he  came  of  age.  We  may  imagine  that  there 
was  something  almost  droll  in  the  reflections  which 
must  have  been  called  forth  by  that  event.  That  a 
man  holding  the  place  in  active  life  and  in  the  esti 
mation  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the  day,  which  it 
has  been  shown  that  he  was  then  filling,  should  sud 
denly  find  himself  called  upon  in  the  midst  of  con 
sultation  with  middle-aged  compeers  as  to  military 
schemes,  and  of  correspondence  with  mature  states 
men  as  to  matters  of  policy,  to  interrupt  for  a  moment 
the  grave  current  of  his  thoughts,  and  to  remember 
that  on  the  passing  day  he  came  of  age,  was  for  the 
first  time  his  own  master,  and  in  the  eye  of  the  law 
was  just  now  ceasing  to  be  an  infant  and  becoming 
an  adult,  presents  certainly  an  odd  picture.  Com 
panion  sketches  are  rare  in  the  gallery  of  history. 

A  minute  account  of  Hamilton's  career  in  the  war  of 
the  Revolution  cannot  be  advantageously  given  here. 
The  fact  that  he  was  seldom  absent  from  the  army 
would  furnish  no  excuse  for  repeating  at  length  the 
oft-told,  and  somewhat  wearisome,  tales  of  all  its  ma 
noeuvring  and  fighting.  Moreover,  the  nature  of  his 
position  as  a  staff  officer,  during  nearly  the  whole  of  his 
term  of  service,  as  he  himself  had  foreseen,  and  often 
afterward  regretted,  prevented  his  enjoying  any  ade 
quate  opportunity  for  distinguishing  himself  in  a 


28  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

separate  mid  Independent  command,  even  as  an  excep 
tional  episode.  It  must  suffice,  therefore,  to  mention 
i  In-  l'c\v  occasions  when  circumstances  happily  enabled 
liim  to  render  himself  prominent;  to  dwell  upon  the 
general  tenor  of  his  duties,  and  to  discuss  his  charac 
ter  and  capacity  as  a  military  man,  so  far  as  these 
were  made  apparent  by  his  actions  or  his  writings* 
We  find  him  holding  the  pen  more  often  than  the 
sword ;  for,  though  he  shared  in  every  engagement 
of  Washington's  army,  yet  the  stricken  fields  of  the 
Revolution  were  not  extremely  numerous,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  mass  of  writing  and  correspondence 
was  immense.  The  ability  which  he  displayed  in  tho 
exercise  of  this  literary  function  caused  an  extra 
amount  both  of  public  and  private  letter-writing  to 
fall  upon  him.  It  is,  indeed,  odd  to  note  how  often 
and  by  how  many  different  persons  his  talent  in  this 
direction  was  recognized  and  admired.  "  The  pen  of 
J  imiiis  is  in  your  hand,"  writes  Colonel  Laurens,  in 
1778,  when  Hamilton  was  only  twenty-one  years  old  ; 
nor  was  the  cultivated  and  well-read  Laurens  a  man 
liable  to  commit  an  error  of  judgment  in  a  matter  of 
this  nature.  So,  likewise,  says  another  good  judge, 
Colonel  Troup ;  the  letters  of  "  Publius,"  written 
about  the  time  of  the  Gates-Conway  cabal,  "  struck 
him  as  the  closest  imitation  of  Junius  which  he  had 
ever  read."  It  was  the  clear,  pithy,  and  trenchant 
character  of  his  style  which  caused  this  especial  com 
parison  to  be  presented  to  the  minds  of  his  readers. 
1 1  is  devotc-d  friend  and  thorough-paced  admirer,  Gen 
eral  Knox,  writes,  in  1777,  in  his  own  odd,  emphatic 
fashion,  with  many  capitals  and  much  underlining: 
"Mark  this!  You  must  be  the  Annalist  and  Biogra- 


THE  REVOLUTION.  29 

pher,  as  well  as  the  Aide-de-camp,  of  General  Wash 
ington, —  and  the  Historiographer  of  the  American 
War!"  To  this  same  purport,  not  once  only  but 
afterward  again  and  again,  wrote  the  plain-spoken, 
gallant,  honest,  and  hard-fighting  old  general.  It 
was  his  darling  scheme  to  have  a  "  Hamilton's  His 
tory  of  the  Revolution."  He  made  a  kind  of  pet  of 
Hamilton,  as  a  senior  might  of  a  younger  man ;  and 
yet  all  the  while  he  respected  him,  and  deferred  to 
him  as  alread}^  an  intellectual  superior,  in  a  manner 
peculiarly  touching,  and  as  honorable  to  the  bluff 
veteran  who  entertained  such  generous  sentiments, 
unalloyed  by  a  shade  of  envy,  as  to  the  youthful  hero 
who  excited  and  deserved  them. 

Hamilton's  temperament  was  such  that  it  was  im 
possible  for  him  ever  to  spare  himself  when  there  was 
work  to  be  done,  whether  in  the  saddle  or  at  the  desk. 
Riding,  writing,  and  thinking,  more  fatiguing  than 
either,  filled  up  the  full  measure  of  his  days  and  his 
nights.  The  incessant  labor  taxed  severely  his  slight 
and  youthful  frame,  little  inured  to  physical  hard 
ship  and  necessarily  immature  for  the  burden  of 
anxiety  which  was  laid  upon  him.  Two  or  three 
times  his  health  temporarily  yielded,  and  twice  he 
appears  to  have  been  seriously  ill.  Yet  he  battled 
with  impatient  bravery  against  prostration,  and  al 
ways  came  back  to  his  toil  again  at  the  earliest  mo 
ment.  But  in  sickness  or  in  health  his  spirits  never 
flagged,  his  courage  never  waned.  In  all  the  pub 
lished  correspondence  of  the  Revolution,  no  officer, 
from  the  commander-in-chief  downward,  writing 
from  Washington's  army,  appears  to  have  main 
tained  a  tone  so  uniformly  sanguine.  Even  the 


30  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

gloom  and  despondency  of  the  grim  winter  at  Valley 
Forge  were  powerless  to  daunt  him,  to  banish  his 
cheeriness  or  to  dispel  his  hopes.  The  ranks  were 
thinned ;  the  army  retreated ;  the  soldiers  grew  dis 
contented  ;  the  military  chest  became  depleted ;  the 
most  necessary  supplies  ran  low.  Still,  he  found 
gleams  of  light  and  encouragement;  he  could  see 
and  explain  that  the  past  had  not  been  without  its 
successes ;  that  the  present  moment  was  but  a  brief 
period  of  transition.  He  could  show  how  success 
might  be  reasonably  expected  in  the  not  distant 
future,  and  could  assert  courageously  that  a  good 
seed  had  been  sown,  which  a  fair  harvest  must  fol 
low.  This  bright  temper  of  the  young  officer,  not 
coming  in  flashes  of  juvenile  excitement,  but  shining 
with  an  even,  steadfast  light  through  the  darkness,  is 
very  remarkable.  Courage  and  resolution  in  abun 
dance  belonged  to  the  heroes  around  him ;  without 
such  (pialities,  indeed,  life  could  not  have  been  pre 
served  in  those  days :  without  the  aid  of  the  mind, 
the  body  must  have  succumbed  to  hardship  and  pri 
vation.  But  it  seems  to  have  been  given  to  Hamilton 
alone  to  feel  actually  cheerful.  As  we  read  Wash 
ington's  letters,  full  of  grave  warnings,  of  anxious  fore 
bodings,  —  inevitable  sentiments  with  one  filling  the 
position  of  supreme  responsibility,  —  we  can  conceive 
how  the  buoyant  spirit  of  the  young  aide  must  have 
endeared  him  to  his  elder,  and  made  him  seem  espe 
cially  welcome  as  the  prophet  of  a  happier  future. 

This  trait  it  was  in  part,  and  in  part  also  a  singu 
larly  engaging  manner,  that  caused  Hamilton  to  enjoy 
probably  a  greater  degree  of  personal  popularity  than 
was  achieved  by  any  other  officer  under  Washington. 


THE  REVOLUTION.  31 

In  addition  to  respect  for  his  character  and  abilities, 
there  was  constantly  expressed  for  him  a  warmth  of 
attachment  quite  striking  in  its  frank  and  open  ful 
ness.  His  detractors  have  charged  him  with  a  too 
aspiring  and  grasping  temper  and  an  egotistical  and 
overweening  self-assertion.  But  selfish  egotism  does 
not  make  friends  in  any  calling  in  life,  especially  in  a 
military  career  during  terms  of  active  service.  Ideal 
as  every  feature  of  the  Revolution  now  seems  to  us, 
it  is  yet  undeniable,  that,  in  respect  of  jealousy  and 
heart-burnings  in  the  armies,  it  was  no  better  —  per 
haps  it  was  even  worse  —  than  other  less  honorable 
wars. 

Such  enemies  as  Hamilton  had  at  this  time  were 
not  his  own,  but  Washington's.  These  individuals, 
who  have  been  consigned  by  history  to  the  limbo 
of  a  well-deserved  ignominy  whence  any  future 
escape  seems  to  be  hopeless,  afraid  openly  and  at 
once  to  assail  the  General,  whom  the  large  pro 
portion  of  the  people  thoroughly  trusted,  preferred 
rather  to  initiate  their  campaign  by  attacks  upon  his 
most  valued  friends  and  advisers.  If  they  could  de 
stroy  the  supports,  the  column  itself,  as  they  hoped, 
might  totter.  At  Hamilton,  therefore,  in  honorable 
company  with  a  few  others  of  Washington's  nearest 
and  dearest  friends,  they  directed  the  assaults  of 
their  malice,  and  cast  discredit  upon  him,  not  in  fact 
for  his  own  sake,  but  for  that  of  his  friend  and  com 
mander  ;  not  by  reason  of  his  demerits,  but  for  the 
sin  of  loving  Washington. 

The  French  officers  established  an  especially 
friendly  footing  between  themselves  and  Hamilton. 
It  was  not  alone  that  his  mastery  of  their  language 


32  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

was  like  that  of  a  native,  but  his  vivacity  and  cheeri- 
ness  and  ready  sympathy  were  traits  which  for  them 
had  a  peculiar  charm.  Lafayette,  in  particular,  loved 
him  as  a  brother.  Here  is  a  sample  —  one  among 
many  —  of  the  enthusiastic  expressions  of  feeling 
into  which  the  warm-hearted  Frenchman  occasion 
ally  burst :  — 

I  know  the  General's  friendship  and  gratitude  for  you,  my 
dear  Hamilton  ;  both  are  greater  than  you  perhaps  imagine. 
I  am  sure  he  needs  only  to  be  told  that  something  will  suit 
you;  and  when  he  thinks  he  can  do  it  he  certainly  will. 
Before  this  campaign  I  was  your  friend,  and  very  intimate 
friend,  agreeably  to  the  ideas  of  the  world.  Since  my  sec 
ond  voyage  my  sentiment  has  increased  to  such  a  point  the 
world  knows  nothing  about.  To  show  both,  from  want  and 
from  scorn  of  expressions,  I  shall  only  tell  you  —  Adieu ! 

Yours, 

LAFAYETTE. 

Scarcely  less  eager  was  the  affection  of  many 
others.  They  did  not  find  military  life  in  the  great, 
wild,  young  country,  amid  raw,  undisciplined,  ill- 
supplied  levies,  quite  what  they  had  expected.  They 
suffered  many  vexations,  were  often  cruelly  desil- 
lusionn£s,  and  of  course  had  their  full  share  of  sub 
stantial  hardships.  Occasionally,  when  they  could 
no  longer  endure  in  perfect  silence,  they  turned  to 
Hamilton  to  pour  out  their  hearts,  and  to  seek  such 
aid  as  he  could  procure  for  them. 

The  following  entertaining,  half  ludicrous  and  half 
pathetic,  appeal  of  Colonel  Fleury  may  serve  as  a 
sample  of  the  epistles  which  the  aide  was  in  the 
habit  of  receiving :  — 

L'INFANTERY  CAMP,  18th  August,  1779. 

DEAR  COLONEL,  —  The  officers  of  the  two  A  Battalions 
of  1'Infantery,  which  I  actually  command,  have  applied  to  me 


THE  REVOLUTION.  33 

for  ceasing  to  run  over  those  craggy  mountains  barefooted, 
and  beg  that  I  would  write  to  headquarters  to  have  an 
order  from  his  Excellency  to  get  me  pair  of  shoes  for  each  ; 
the  shoes  they  hint  to  are  at  New  Windsor,  and  their  inten 
tion  is  to  pay  for. 

Do  not  be  so  greedy  for  shoes  as  for  my  blanket,  and 
think  that  the  most  urgent  necessity  has  determined  their 
application ;  they  are  quite  barefooted. 

I  am,  &c., 

L.  FLEURY. 

N.B.  As  his  Excellency  could  form  a  very  advantageous 
idea  of  our  being  lucky  in  shoes  by  the  appearance  of  the 
officers  who  dined  to-day  at  headquarters,  and  were  not 
quite  without,  I  beg  you  would  observe  to  him,  if  necessary, 
that  each  Company  had  furnished  a  shoe  for  their  dressing. 

CAMP  L'INFANTERY,  19  August,  1779. 

Whether  the  shoes,  or  the  more  important  blanket 
for  poor  Monsieur  Fleury,  were  forthcoming  we  must 
be  content  to  know  not.  But  that  the  writer  had 
the  kind  consideration  and  kinder  endeavors  of 
Hamilton  we  may  rest  assured. 

Baron  Steuben,  too,  the  favorite  of  the  great  Fred 
erick,  —  a  soldier,  by  the  way,  who  had  far  too  good 
an  opinion  of  himself  to  endure  any  overweening 
vanity,  especially  if  manifested  by  a  boy  young 
enough  to  be  his  grandson, — became  tenderly  at 
tached  to  Hamilton.  In  return  Hamilton  did  him 
substantial  services  ;  in  particular,  he  did  for  him 
what  the  free-handed  old  soldier  never  could  do  for 
himself,  —  took  care  of  his  hard-earned  money  for  him. 
"The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  is  my  banker," 
the  baron  used  to  say,  in  later  days,  with  kindly 
satisfaction ;  "  my  Hamilton  takes  care  of  me  when 
he  cannot  take  care  of  himself." 

Hamilton's  friendship  with  the  high-spirited,  gen- 

VOL.    I.  3 


34  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

erous,  and  accomplished  Laurens  was  probably  the 
warmest  that  he  cherished  for  any  man  during  his 
life.  Indeed,  the  records  of  this  attachment,  so  firm 
and  tender,  so  honorable  to  both  parties,  seem 
almost  to  transport  us  to  the  regions  of  romance. 
Their  sentiments  are  not  proved  alone  by  the  frank 
and  manly  expressions  of  affectionate  regard,  which 
abound  in  the  correspondence  sustained  with  the 
greatest  regularity  between  them  in  all  periods  of 
absence ;  but  each  gave  practical  evidence  by  very 
substantial  sacrifices,  that  he  could  prefer  the  happi 
ness  of  his  friend  to  his  own  advantage. 

On  December  24,  1778,  Laurens  became  involved 
in  a  duel  with  General  Lee.  The  provocation  was 
language  used  by  the  general  of  a  nature  very  dis 
respectful  towards  General  Washington.  The  com 
batants  met ;  General  Lee  being  attended  by  Major 
Edwards,  and  Colonel  Laurens  having  as  his  second 
Colonel  Hamilton.  They  approached  within  about 
five  or  six  paces  of  each  other,  and  exchanged  shots 
almost  at  the  same  moment.  General  Lee  was  hit, 
but  the  wound  was  so  inconsiderable  that  he  pro 
posed  to  fire  a  second  time.  Laurens  assented. 
Hamilton  "observed  that,  unless  the  general  was 
influenced  by  motives  of  personal  enmity,  he  did  not 
think  the  affair  ought  to  be  pursued  any  farther  ;  but 
as  General  Lee  seemed  to  persist  in  desiring  it,  he 
was  too  tender  of  his  friend's  honor  to  persist  in 
opposing  it."  The  combat  was  thus  about  to  be 
renewed,  when  Major  Edwards  again  interposed. 
An  explanation  ensued,  and  the  affair  ended  without 
serious  mischief  to  those  engaged  in  it.  Hamilton 
drew  up,  and  the  two  seconds  signed,  a  minute  nar- 


THE   KEVOLUTION.  35 

rative  of  the  entire  proceedings,  concluding  with  the 
statement  that:  "Upon  the  whole,  we  think  it  a 
piece  of  justice  to  the  two  gentlemen  to  declare,  that, 
after  they  met,  their  conduct  was  strongly  marked 
with  all  the  politeness,  generosity,  coolness,  and 
firmness,  that  ought  to  characterize  a  transaction  of 
this  nature." 

In  his  opinions  concerning  men  General  Washing 
ton  was  very  shrewd.  Sometimes,  though  rarely,  he 
was  led  into  error  by  the  kindness  with  which  he 
judged  their  characters  and  motives  ;  but  seldom, 
if  ever,  did  he  err  concerning  their  intellectual  ca 
pacity.  In  his  military  and  in  his  civil  career  he  had 
the  happy  gift  of  always  recognizing  and  always 
bringing  around  him  the  best  persons  in  each  depart 
ment  of  knowledge.  For  one  who  relied  upon  cool, 
sound  judgment  and  resolute,  conscientious  endeavor 
rather  than  upon  brilliant,  overpowering  genius,  this 
ability  was  probably  indispensable  to  success.  With 
out  it,  Washington's  career  must  certainly  have  been 
a  failure.  The  seal  of  his  approbation,  therefore,  by 
itself  alone,  creates  a  powerful  presumption  in  favor 
of  any  person  honored  therewith.  For  this  reason, 
it  is  especially  worthy  of  note  that,  for  the  two  mis 
sions  of  greatest  importance  and  delicacy  to  which  he 
had  it  in  charge  to  depute  some  person  subject  to  his 
orders,  he  selected  Hamilton. 

The  first  and  chief  of  these  was  the  mission  to 
General  Gates,  in  November,  1777.  Hamilton  was 
then  only  twenty  years  old.  General  Gates  was 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  in  an  independent 
command  and  with  a  considerable  army,  subject  of 
course  to  any  absolute  orders  of  the  commander-in- 


36  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

chief,  but  yet  jealous  of  such  interference  as  might 
not  appear  in  his  own  view  to  be  absolutely  neces 
sary.  Washington,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Philadel 
phia,  was  struggling  to  hold  his  own  against  the  main 
army  of  the  British,  having  for  that  purpose  forces 
the  most  meagre  and  insufficient.  It  became,  in  his 
opinion,  of  nearly  vital  necessity  that  he  should  ob 
tain  re  enforcements,  and  it  was  inevitable  that  they 
should  be  drawn  in  a  great  measure  from  the  army 
under  Gates.  Yet  this  transfer  was  a  task  which  he 
had  special  reasons  to  wish  to  see  managed  with  no 
less  skill  than  firmness.  Though  he  was  only  send 
ing  orders  to  his  subaltern,  yet  circumstances  ren 
dered  it  at  least  desirable  that  these  orders  should  be 
conveyed  with  some  degree  of  diplomatic  skill,  as 
well  as  in  a  manner  which  should  show  compliance 
to  be  imperatively  required.  General  Gates  had  just 
defeated  General  Burgoyne,  and  by  that  brilliant 
achievement  had  made  himself  the  idol  of  the  people. 
Especially  had  he  won  the  confidence  of  the  inhabit 
ants  of  the  Eastern  States,  who  were  then  far  from 
feeling  that  enthusiastic  love  and  reverent  faith 
towards  Washington  which  afterward  became  their 
firm  and  universal  creed.  Ever  prone  to  look  only  to 
tangible  results,  the  crowds  of  talkers  in  the  towns 
and  villages  began  to  compare  the  deeds  of  Gates 
with  the  more  difficult  but  less  showy  marching, 
countermarching,  and  skirmishing  of  Washington's 
campaign ;  and  the  more  they  talked,  the  more  prone 
they  became  to  doubt  whether  or  not  Gates  might 
not,  after  all,  be  the  chosen  deliverer  of  the  struggling 
people.  If  the  gossips  only  imperfectly  believed  this, 
Gates  himself,  at  least,  was  deeply  convinced  of  it. 


THE   REVOLUTION.  37 

So,  likewise,  were  his  numerous  and  ambitious  satel 
lites,  a  scheming  band,  who  were  now  busy  arrang 
ing  the  complications  of  that  cabal  by  which  they 
hoped  to  substitute  the  hero  of  their  own  choice  for 
the  present  commander-in-chief.  If,  therefore,  the 
defeat  of  Burgoyne  had  diminished  the  opportunities 
for  action  in  the  region  of  General  Gates's  command, 
so,  on  the  other  hand,  it  had  fired  in  his  breast  hopes 
equally  eager  and  mischievous.  He  set  his  heart 
upon  making  some  other  distinguished  stroke,  and 
was  most  reluctant  to  see  his  available  force,  and 
with  it  his  importance  and  his  means  of  immediately 
achieving  additional  fame,  diminished  in  any  degree. 
Least  of  all  could  he  endure  to  see  his  forces  drawn 
away  to  the  support  of  one  who,  though  his  superior 
in  command,  he  now  began  to  regard  as  his  rival. 
As  the  sequel  shows,  he  went  to  the  very  verge  of 
insubordination  and  actual  disobedience,  before  he 
could  bring  his  mind  to  submit  to  such  orders. 

Upon  the  other  hand,  it  was  impossible  that  Wash 
ington,  though  ignorant  of  the  extent  of  the  disaffec 
tion  and  the  unfriendly  schemes,  should  not  in  some 
measure  see  and  appreciate  the  peculiar  and  embar 
rassing  nature  of  the  situation.  Little  as  his  noble 
temper  was  given  to  suspicion,  he  could  not  be  blind 
to  the  meaning  of  such  a  fact  as  the  entire  neglect 
of  Gates  to  inform  him  of  Burgoyne's  surrender, 
thereby  leaving  him  to  learn  it  from  rumor  and  the 
public  prints.  The  condition  of  things  was  for  him 
also  further  complicated  by  reason  of  his  distance 
from  the  scene  of  operations  in  the  north,  and  by  the 
fact  that  it  was  questionable  whether  Sir  Henry  Clin 
ton,  with  a  large  force  then  gathered  in  New  York 


38  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

harbor,  might  not,  by  some  possible  though  improba 
ble  chance,  move  up  the  Hudson  instead  of  to  the 
southward.  It  was  therefore  necessary  that  a  very 
full  discretion  should  be  given  to  any  envoy  who 
should  be  sent  upon  this  dubious  and  vexatious 
errand. 

Hamilton  was  selected  for  the  business.  He  re 
ceived  written  instructions  from  General  Washing 
ton.  The  largest  reenforcement  which  he  was  to 
require  was  twenty  regiments,  which  were  specified. 
But  in  certain  possible  events  a  large  discretion  was 
given  him.  If,  upon  meeting  with  General  Gates, 
Hamilton  should  find  that  that  general  intended  to 
employ  the  troops  under  his  command  "  upon  some 
expedition,  by  the  prosecution  of  which  the  common 
cause  will  be  more  benefited  than  by  their  being 
sent  down  to  re  enforce  this  army,"  then  said  Wash 
ington,  "  it  is  not  my  wish  to  give  any  interruption 
to  the  plan."  Singular  modesty  and  generosity  of 
Washington !  Knowing  that  another  success  might 
enable  the  by  no  means  reluctant  Gates  to  supersede 
himself,  he  yet  declined  to  exercise  his  authority 
imperiously,  but  left  it  in  the  power  and  to  the  judg 
ment  of  a  juvenile  aide-de-camp  to  allow  the  south 
ern  army  to  remain  in  its  present  jeopardy,  if  thereby 
it  appeared  probable  that  the  ambitious  hero  of  the 
north  would  be  enabled  to  benefit  the  common 
cause.  Such  was  the  momentous  responsibility  which 
rested  upon  Hamilton  at  the  option  of  his  com 
mander,  —  scope  to  determine  the  comparative  value 
of  military  plans,  and  to  make  or  mar  projected  cam 
paigns  ;  authority,  if  his  judgment  should  so  dictate, 
to  allow  Gates  to  remain  strong  at  the  cost  of  Wash- 


THE   REVOLUTION.  39 

ington's  weakness,  and  thereby  not  improbably  to 
bring  about  the  retirement  of  the  latter  beneath  the 
burden  of  failure,  and  the  consequent  advancement 
of  the  other  to  the  vacant  post.  It  is  seldom  that  a 
man  in  the  position  of  the  commander-iii-chief  ven 
tures  to  place  in  the  hands  of  another,  of  whatever 
age  or  experience,  such  a  weighty  charge,  —  involv 
ing  not  improbably  his  own  reputation  for  all  time, 
and  almost  surely  the  immediate  welfare  of  the  na 
tional  cause.  We  may  conceive  the  deep  anxiety  with 
which  Washington  dismissed  his  boy-supporter  on 
the  arduous  embassy ;  the  still  deeper  anxiety  which 
beset  the  mind  of  that  emissary,  profoundly  resolved 
to  discharge  his  weighty  task  aright,  —  upon  the  one 
hand,  not  needlessly  to  imperil  the  fortunes  of  the 
southern  army  and  the  reputation  of  his  beloved 
chief;  upon  the  other  hand,  not  to  allow  his  par 
tiality  for  his  commander  and  his  friend  to  blind  him 
to  the  true  needs  of  the  northern  department  and 
the  probable  merits  of  any  schemes  of  General  Gates. 
That  his  own  prospects  in  life  might  be  destroyed  by 
a  blunder  was,  perhaps,  the  smallest  thought  in  his 
mind. 

When  Hamilton  arrived  at  the  headquarters  of 
Gates,  he  found  himself  indeed  plunged  into  a  hot 
caldron  of  difficulties,  exceeding  his  worst  anticipa 
tions.  There  was  more  evil  brewing  there  than  he  or 
his  chief  knew  or  even  suspected.  All  around  him 
were  the  industrious  laborers  in  the  nefarious  busi 
ness  of  the  still  occult  "  Conway  Cabal."  Had  he 
been  in  the  British  camp,  he  could  hardly  have  been 
regarded  with  more  jealous  or  unfriendly  eyes.  That 
the  enmity  was  concealed  only  made  it  the  more  dan- 


40  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

gerous.  Sympathy  or  advice  he  could  expect  none, 
except  such  as  might  be  given  for  the  purpose  of 
duping  him,  though  the  officers  around  him  were 
ostensibly  serving  the  same  great  cause  with  himself. 
But  his  shrewdness  and  penetration  stood  him  in 
good  stead.  He  wrote  to  General  Washington  that 
he  had  waited  upon  Gates  immediately  on  his  arrival 
at  Albany,  "  but  was  sorry  to  find  his  ideas  did  not 
correspond  with  yours,  for  drawing  off  the  number 
of  troops  you  directed."  Hamilton  argued,  but  Gates 
remained  "  inflexible."  Gates  in  his  turn  argued ; 
"  but  the  force  of  his  reasons  did  by  no  means  strike  " 
Hamilton.  Gates  would  only  despatch  one  brigade, 
and  Hamilton  found  himself  "  infinitely  embarrassed 
and  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  I  felt  the  importance  of 
strengthening  you  as  much  as  possible ;  but  on  the 
other  hand  I  found  insuperable  inconveniences  in 
acting  diametrically  opposite  to  the  opinion  of  a 
gentleman  whose  successes  have  raised  him  to  the 
highest  importance."  Finally,  Hamilton  resolved  to 
rest  content  with  one  brigade,  which  Gates  agreed 
to  spare.  He  was  moved  to  this  partly  by  considera 
tions  of  policy ;  because  Gates  enjoyed  at  the  moment 
such  consideration  and  influence  with  the  public,  and 
appeared  so  willing  to  use  these  to  Washington's  dis 
advantage,  that  any  mishap  which  might  possibly 
occur  and  might  appear  attributable  to  the  withdrawal 
of  the  troops  "  would  be  too  fair  a  pretext  for  cen 
sure."  Such  a  pretext  the  devoted  aide-de-camp 
had  no  notion  of  furnishing  if  it  could  be  avoided. 
Furthermore,  on  his  way  northward  he  had  met  and 
despatched  some  other  unexpected  reinforcements  to 
the  army  in  Pennsylvania,  which  together  with  the 


THE  REVOLUTION.  41 

one  brigade  would  recruit  it  nearly  to  the  numbers 
anticipated  by  General  Washington. 

But  his  vexations  were  by  no  means  thus  quickly 
brought  to  a  close.  General  Gates  undertook  to 
serve  him  a  very  contemptible  trick,  being  nothing 
else,  indeed,  than  the  selection  of  the  smallest  bri 
gade  in  his  army ;  one  which  was  so  depleted  that 
the  increase  of  numbers  which  it  brought  was  almost 
utterly  insignificant.  It  did  "  not  consist  of  more 
than  about  six  hundred  regulars  fit  for  duty,  with  a 
militia  regiment  two  hundred  strong,  whose  time  of 
service  would  expire  about  simultaneously  with  their 
arrival  at  Washington's  camp."  Justly  incensed  at 
this  conduct,  Hamilton  thought  that  it  was  time  to 
use  the  real  power  vested  in  him.  He  wrote  to  Gates 
a  letter  couched  in  language  so  peremptory,  that  at 
last  that  gentleman  was  in  some  degree  moved  to  a 
sense  of  his  just  relationship  towards  his  commander- 
in-chief,  and  brought  himself  to  the  point  of  resolv 
ing  to  send  a  second  brigade  of  greater  strength,  in 
addition  to  the  feeble  one  already  under  orders  to 
march.  This  was  satisfactory.  Thus  having  with 
infinite  difficulty  apparently  achieved  his  purpose  and 
yet  avoided  any  explosion  of  temper,  though  all  the 
ground  beneath  his  feet  was  undermined  and  heated 
with  glowing  fires  of  jealousy  and  insubordination, 
Hamilton  turned  to  retrace  his  journey  southward. 

But  the  encouraging  appearances  were  deceptive ; 
his  grievances  were  not  even  now  wholly  at  an  end. 
When  he  came  to  New  Windsor,  he  found  that  the 
troops  in  that  neighborhood,  which  on  his  way  to 
Albany  he  had  ordered  to  move  to  Pennsylvania  with 
all  despatch,  had  not  yet  started,  nor  did  there  seem 


42  LITE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

to  be  any  immediate  prospect  that  they  would  start. 
In  part  this  was  due  to  the  ill  disposition  of  General 
Putnam  ;  in  part  to  the  mutinous  condition  of  some 
of  the  troops,  who,  not  having  been  paid  for  eight  or 
nine  months,  had  become  disorderly,  and  had  even 
gone  so  far  as  to  shoot  one  of  their  captains.  More 
over,  there  was  an  ambitious  plan  lurking  in  the 
brains  of  the  principal  officers  in  the  northern  de 
partment,  having  due  regard  to  their  own  glory,  to 
recover  possession  of  New  York  City.  They  would 
rather  do  this  than  reenforce  Washington.  The 
scheme  was  scouted  by  Hamilton  as  a  "  suicidal  pa 
rade,"  and  he  sent  an  order  "  in  the  most  emphatical 
terms  "  to  General  Putnam,  immediately  to  despatch 
his  continental  troops  to  Washington. 

Two  days  later,  at  Fishkill,  Hamilton  gathered 
such  information  of  the  movements  of  the  enemy  at 
New  York  as  to  show  that  heavy  reinforcements  had 
gone  from  there  to  General  Howe,  and  that  in  conse 
quence  of  this  General  Washington  with  his  scanty 
force  must  be  placed  in  a  situation  of  extreme  peril. 
Again  he  wrote  to  Gates,  conveying  this  information, 
and  exhorting  him  to  forward  more  troops. 

This  was  his  last  step  in  the  prosecution  of  one  of 
the  most  delicate  and  difficult  tasks  which  fell  to  the 
lot  of  any  officer  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  He 
had  substantially  accomplished  the  purpose  of  ree'n- 
forcing  General  Washington  to  as  great  an  extent  as 
could  reasonably  be  expected.  He  had  wrested  the 
reinforcements  from  generals  so  reluctant,  that,  had 
they  been  in  the  secret  pay  of  Great  Britain,  they 
could  hardly,  without  betraying  the  fact,  have  op 
posed  more  obstacles,  active  and  passive,  to  the  per- 


THE  REVOLUTION.  43 

formance  of  the  acts  required  of  them.  Yefc  so 
skilfully  had  he  done  this,  with  persistence  but  with 
out  arbitrariness,  that,  whatever  wrath  and  indignation 
might  have  been  boiling  beneath,  none  found  its  way 
to  the  surface.  Strict  decorum  prevailed,  and  any 
thing  like  a  public  expression  of  disagreement,  with 
all  its  attendant  mischief  direct  and  indirect,  was 
happily  avoided.  For  his  reward,  the  aide-de-camp 
had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  the  unqualified  appro 
bation  of  his  commander.  "  I  approve  entirely  of  all 
the  steps  you  have  taken,"  wrote  Washington  to  him  ; 
"  and  have  only  to  wish  that  the  exertions  of  those 
you  have  had  to  deal  with  had  kept  pace  with  your 
zeal  and  good  intentions."  But  the  physical  —  and 
much  more  we  may  believe  the  mental  —  toil  and 
harassment  had  been  more  than  Hamilton's  constitu 
tion  could  bear.  During  several  days  before  the 
completion  of  the  business  he  had  been  suffering 
under  an  attack  of  fever  and  "  violent  rheumatic 
pains ; "  and,  when  the  task  came  to  an  end,  he  was 
obliged  to  succumb  and  to  allow  overtaxed  nature 
to  avenge  herself  by  a  sharp  attack  of  illness. 

In  the  autumn  of  1779,  Colonel  Hamilton  was  again 
selected  for  a  mission  of  nearly  equal  military  impor 
tance  but  less  fortunate  result.  Count  d'Estaing, 
with  a  French  fleet  and  troops,  arrived  off  the  coast. 
It  was  essential  that  allies  so  distinguished,  who 
were  doing  so  much  for  us,  and  were  expected  to  do 
so  much  more,  should  be  received  with  the  highest 
degree  of  courtesy  and  consideration.  It  was  further 
necessary  to  concert  with  them  the  military  measures 
in  which  the  American  army  and  the  French  war  ves 
sels  and  land  forces  could  most  effectively  cooperate. 


44  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

A  personal  meeting  between  the  count  and  General 
Washington,  then  having  his  headquarters  at  West 
Point,  was  impracticable.  Accordingly,  Hamilton 
and  the  French  General  du  Portail  were  despatched 
to  represent  the  commander-in-chief.  The  scheme 
which  Washington  hoped  might  be  consummated 
was  nothing  less  than  an  investment  of  the  city  of 
New  York.  Divers  circumstances  combined  to  render 
the  present  moment  especially  auspicious  for  this  un 
dertaking,  and  Washington  felt  an  unusual  anxiety 
to  see  it  vigorously  entered  upon.  If  the  Frenchman 
would  engage  to  employ  his  whole  naval  and  land 
force  against  the  British  fleet  and  army  at  New  York, 
till  the  winter  should  be  so  far  advanced  as  to  render 
it  impracticable  to  retain  the  vessels  longer  in  port, 
General  Washington  proposed  upon  his  part  to  "  bring 
twenty-five  thousand  effective  men  into  the  field," 
and  to  "  exert  all  the  resources  of  the  country  in  a 
vigorous  and  decided  cooperation."  Of  this  impor 
tant  scope  was  the  business  which  the  envoys  had  in 
charge ;  and  beyond  this,  also,  the  authority  conferred 
upon  them  was  almost  unlimited.  The  commander- 
in-chief,  in  fact,  put  his  army  and  himself  at  their 
disposition  for  the  purpose  of  making  any  arrange 
ment  with  the  allies  which  should  seem  to  them 
good.  But  it  was  to  no  purpose  that  the  plenipo 
tentiaries  did  their  best  to  set  in  motion  the  project 
against  New  York ;  or  if  this  might  not  be,  then  to 
devise  some  other  movement  of  importance  adequate 
to  the  opportunity.  They  remained  with  the  count 
for  some  time,  warmly  and  incessantly  urging  him 
to  adopt  some  decided  and  active  measures.  But  he 
had  a  singular  gift  of  abstaining  from  ever  coming  to 


THE  KEVOLUTION.  45 

a  determination  upon  any  proposition.  "  His  planet 
could  not  be  trusted."  He  wavered  and  hesitated ; 
tried  the  patience  and  the  temper  of  the  emissaries, 
and  finally,  having  thus  frittered  away  the  season  for 
action,  early  in  November  he  weighed  anchor  and 
went  back  again  to  France ;  having  achieved  an  ex 
ploit  strikingly  similar  to  that  of  the  famous  king 
who,  with  thirty  thousand  men,  marched  up  a  hill  and 
then  marched  down  again.  Hamilton  and  du  Portail, 
justly  disgusted,  returned  to  the  American  camp. 

In  the  unhappy  affair  of  Andre*,  Colonel  Hamilton 
played  a  somewhat  conspicuous  part.  Shortly  before 
the  moment  when  Arnold's  treason  was  discovered, 
General  Washington  had  embarked  for  West  Point. 
Hamilton,  who  happened  to  have  remained  behind, 
instantly  upon  receipt  of  the  tidings  galloped,  with 
McHenry,  in  hot  haste  in  pursuit  of  the  traitor. 
But  it  was  much  too  late  to  overtake  him,  and  by 
the  time  the  pursuers  had  come  to  the  river  bank  the 
fugitive  was  already  safely  ensconced  in  the  cabin  of 
the  British  war-vessel,  "Vulture." 

Hamilton  writes  that  he  "  could  hardly  regret  the 
disappointment "  of  his  bootless  errand  when,  on  his 
return,  he  "saw  an  amiable  woman,  frantic  with  dis 
tress  for  the  loss  of  a  husband  she  tenderly  loved." 
He  did  all  in  his  power  to  alleviate  the  misery  of  the 
deserted  wife  ;  "  though,"  he  wrote,  "  you  may  imag 
ine  she  is  not  easily  to  be  consoled.  .  .  .  Her  suffer 
ings  were  so  eloquent  that  I  wished  myself  her 
brother,  to  have  a  right  to  become  her  defender. 
As  it  is,  I  have  entreated  her  to  enable  me  to  give 
her  proofs  of  my  friendship."  Could  he  forgive 
Arnold,  he  adds,  for  sacrificing  his  honor,  reput-ation, 


46  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

and  duty,  he  at  least  could  never  forgive  him  for 
"acting  a  part  that  must  have  forfeited  the  esteem 
of  so  fine  a  woman."  This  additional  element  of 
heartlessness,  collateral  to  the  blackness  of  the  treason 
itself,  may  be  forgotten  in  the  business-like  pages 
of  history,  which  preserve  only  the  public  aspect  of 
events ;  but  it  made  a  deep  impression  upon  the 
mind  and  heart  of  Hamilton,  and  his  sketch  of  the 
conduct  and  appearance  of  Mrs.  Arnold  is  affecting 
to  the  last  degree. 

In  the  fate  of  Andrd  himself,  Colonel  Hamilton  took 
a  lively  interest.  The  youth  and  accomplishments,  the 
daring  spirit  and  the  devotion  of  the  gallant  and  ill- 
starred  British  officer  appealed  with  exceptional  force 
to  his  warm  heart  and  chivalrous  temper.  Precisely 
how  far  he  felt  that  he  had  a  right  to  go  in  behalf  of 
the  prisoner,  especially  in  urging  the  commutation 
of  his  sentence  from  hanging  to  shooting,  cannot  be 
definitely  known.  But  that  he  exerted  himself,  so 
far  as  he  conceived  it  to  be  proper  for  him  to  inter 
fere,  is  certain.  "  He  was  daily  searching  some  way 
to  save  him,"  says  Lafayette.  But  this  was  of  course 
impossible,  and  Hamilton  himself  felt  that  it  was  so. 
In  his  minute  and  careful  narrative  of  the  entire 
transaction,  he  said:  "Never,  perhaps,  did  any  man 
suffer  death  with  more  justice,  or  deserve  it  less,"  — 
a  very  accurate  exposition  of  the  true  nature  of  this 
singular  case.  The  "frivolous  plea,"  ridiculed  by 
Andr6  himself  but  urged  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and 
others,  to  the  effect  that  Andr£  "  came  out  under  the 
protection  of  a  flag,  with  a  passport  from  a  general 
officer  in  actual  service,"  is  conclusively  answered  in 
this  same  paper.  A  purely  technical  defence  was 


THE  REVOLUTION.  47 

shown  to  be  even  technically  imperfect.  "The  fact 
was,  that  besides  the  time,  manner,  object  of  the 
interview,  change  of  dress  and  other  circumstances, 
there  was  not  a  single  formality  customary  with  flags  ; 
and  the  passport  was  not  to  Major  Andre  but  to  Mr. 
Anderson.  But  had  there  been,  on  the  contrary,  all 
the  formalities,  it  would  be  an  abuse  of  language  to 
say  that  the  sanction  of  a  flag,  for  corrupting  an 
officer  to  betray  his  trust,  ought  to  be  respected.  So 
unjustifiable  a  purpose  would  not  only  destroy  its 
validity  but  make  it  an  aggravation.  There  was  in 
truth  no  way  of  saving  him.  Arnold  or  he  must  have 
been  the  victim :  the  former  was  out  of  our  power." 
It  was  indeed  imagined  by  some  that  Clinton  might 
be  induced  to  give  up  Arnold  in  exchange  for  Andre*, 
and  a  gentleman  proposed  to  the  prisoner  to  suggest 
this  expedient.  But  Andre  declined  to  do  so.  "  The 
moment  he  had  been  capable  of  so  much  frailty," 
says  Hamilton,  "I  should  have  ceased  to  esteem 
him." 

Hamilton's  own  feelings  concerning  the  question 
of  the  mode  of  execution  are  expressed  in  the  follow 
ing  letter  written  to  Miss  Schuyler :  — 

TAPPAN,  Oct.  2,  1780. 

Poor  Andre  suffers  to-day.  Every  thing  that  is  amiable 
in  virtue,  in  fortitude,  in  delicate  sentiment  and  accomplished 
manners,  pleads  for  him ;  but  hard-hearted  policy  calls  for  a 

sacrifice.  He  must  die .  ...  I  urged  a  compliance  with 

Andre's  request  to  be  shot,  and  I  do  not  think  it  would  have 
had  an  ill  effect ;  but  some  people  are  only  sensible  to  mo 
tives  of  policy,  and  sometimes,  from  a  narrow  disposition, 
mistake  it. 

When  Andre's  tale  comes  to  be  told,  and  present  resent 
ment  is  over,  the  refusing  him  the  privilege  of  choosing  the 
manner  of  his  death  will  be  branded  with  too  much  obstinacy. 


48  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

It  was  proposed  to  me  to  suggest  to  him  the  idea  of  an 
exchange  for  Arnold ;  but  I  knew  I  should  have  forfeited 
his  esteem  by  doing  it,  and  therefore  declined  it.  As  a  man 
of  honor,  he  could  not  but  reject  it ;  and  I  would  not  for  the 
world  have  proposed  to  him  a  thing  which  must  have  placed 
me  in  the  unamiable  light  of  supposing  him  capable  of  mean 
ness,  or  of  not  feeling  myself  the  impropriety  of  the  measure. 
I  confess  to  you  I  had  the  weakness  to  value  the  esteem  of  a 
dying  man,  because  I  reverenced  his  merit. 

Four  years,  within  less  than  a  fortnight,  did  Ham 
ilton  remain  upon  the  staff  of  General  Washington. 
Then  in  February,  1781,  occurred  an  event  which  put 
a  sudden  and  final  end  to  the  relationship.  No  bet 
ter  or  more  authentic  account  remains  than  that 
given  by  Hamilton  himself,  in  a  letter  written  to 
General  Schuyler,  as  follows  :  — 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  Feb.  18,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  Since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to 
you  last,  an  unexpected  change  has  taken  place  in  my  situa 
tion.  I  am  no  longer  a  member  of  the  General's  family.  .  .  . 
Two  days  ago  the  General  and  I  passed  each  other  on  the 
stairs.  He  told  me  he  wanted  to  speak  to  me.  I  answered 
that  I  would  wait  upon  him  immediately.  I  went  below,  and 
delivered  Mr.  Tilghman  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the  Commissary, 
containing  an  order  of  a  pressing  and  interesting  nature. 
Returning  to  the  General,  I  was  stopped  on  the  way  by  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  and  we  conversed  together  for  about 
a  minute  on  a  matter  of  business.  He  can  testify  how  impa 
tient  I  was  to  get  back,  and  that  I  left  him  in  a  manner, 
which,  but  for  an  intimacy,  would  have  been  more  than 
abrupt.  Instead  of  finding  the  General,  as  is  usual,  in  his 
room,  I  met  him  at  the  head  of  the  stairs,  where,  accosting 
me  in  an  angry  tone,  "  Colonel  Hamilton,"  said  he,  "  you 
have  kept  me  waiting  at  the  head  of  the  stairs  these  ten  min 
utes.  I  must  tell  you,  Sir,  you  treat  me  with  disrespect."  I 
replied  without  petulancy,  but  with  decision,  "  I  am  not  con 
scious  of  it,  Sir ;  but  since  you  have  thought  it  necessary  to 
tell  me  so,  we  part."  "  Very  well,  Sir,"  said  he,  "  if  it  be 


THE  REVOLUTION.  49 

your  choice,"  or  something  to  this  effect,  and  we  separated. 
I  sincerely  believe  my  absence,  which  gave  so  much  umbrage, 
did  not  last  two  minutes. 

This  simple  and  straightforward  account,  though 
written  in  a  private  letter  by  one  of  the  parties  to 
the  transaction,  appears  to  be  strictly  accurate  and 
trustworthy.  At  the  time  several  different  reports 
were  circulated,  but  none  of  them  have  survived  or 
gained  credence  in  preference  to  the  foregoing.  The 
whole  affair  has  received  an  undue  and  factitious 
importance,  growing  out  of  eager  discussions  as  to 
which  of  the  parties  was  in  the  wrong.  Many  fool 
ish  surmises,  concerning  hidden  motives  upon  the  one 
side  or  the  other,  have  been  made,  many  suppositions 
have  been  hazarded,  totally  unfounded  at  least  in  any 
known  facts.  The  simplest  explanation  is  probably 
the  most  correct,  and  leaves  no  very  grave  imputation 
to  rest  upon  either  gentleman.  The  precise  number 
of  minutes  that  Hamilton  was  gone,  if  not  perfectly 
certain,  is  also  immaterial.  That  Washington  spoke 
irritably  may  be  safely  assumed ;  it  is  not  by  any 
means  out  of  keeping  with  his  character  ;  he  is  known 
to  have  been  liable  to  occasional  outbursts  of  ill-tem 
per,  vehement  in  proportion  to  their  rarity  ;  and  un 
less  there  had  been  anger  in  his  tone,  it  would  have 
been  a  total  impossibility  for  Hamilton  to  have  re 
plied  as  he  did.  Indeed,  what  may  be  regarded  as 
irrefragable  proof  of  this  fact  is  furnished  by  the  gen 
eral's  own  conduct  afterward.  In  less  than  an  hour 
he  had  sent  his  aide,  Tilghman,  to  Hamilton,  to  assure 
him  of  his  "  great  confidence  "  in  his  "  abilities,  integ 
rity,  usefulness,  etc.,"  and  to  express  his  desire,  "  in  a 
candid  conversation,  to  heal  a  difference  which  could 

VOL.    I.  4 


50  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

not  have  happened  but  in  a  moment  of  passion." 
Had  Washington  been  conscious  that  he  himself  had 
done  no  more  than  utter  a  well-merited  rebuke  in 
a  civil  manner,  to  which  he  had  received  an  angry, 
and,  under  such  circumstances,  even  an  unreasonable 
and  insolent  rejoinder,  this  mission  of  Tilghman  would 
never  have  occurred.  Still  more,  after  the  request 
preferred  by  Tilghman  had  been  refused  by  Hamil 
ton,  it  would  have  been  impossible  that  a  breach 
should  have  been  avoided,  if  General  Washington 
had  felt  himself  wholly  and  unquestionably  in  the 
right.  Yet  the  request  was  thus  refused,  and  no 
such  breach  took  place.  There  is  no  reason  whatso 
ever  to  suppose,  either  that  Washington  harbored 
even  a  temporary  resentment,  or  that  his  high  opin 
ion  of  Hamilton's  character  was  in  any  degree 
lowered  by  these  events.  In  his  farewell  address 
to  Congress,  on  retiring  from  the  post  of  commander- 
in-chief,  he  took  pains  to  say,  —  perhaps  in  reference 
to  this  very  matter,  —  that  "  it  was  impossible  the 
choice  of  confidential  officers  to  compose  my  family 
should  have  been  more  fortunate."  But  long  before 
these  emphatic  words  were  pronounced,  the  re-estab 
lishment  of  the  entente  cordiale  was  known  to  every 
body. 

It  remains  only  to  consider  Hamilton's  conduct. 
Was  it  or  was  it  not  a  sign  of  an  obstinate  and  evil 
disposition  in  him,  that  he  declined  the  proffered 
explanation  and  reconciliation?  His  reply  to  the 
general  upon  the  staircase  sounds  sudden  and  im 
petuous.  Yet  it  was  not  necessarily  passionate,  and 
seems  to  have  been  only  the  prompt  expression  of  a 
feeling  long  pent  up  in  his  bosom.  Some  degree  of 


THE  REVOLUTION.  51 

brusqueness  he  may  have  been  surprised  into,  but 
the  idea  which  he  uttered  he  had  long  entertained. 
It  was  with  no  small  degree  of  reluctance  that  he 
had  accepted  the  position  of  aide-de-camp ;  for  he 
had  eagerly  desired  opportunities  to  distinguish  him 
self  in  some  independent  command.  This  feeling 
had  never  been  eradicated  in  the  four  years  which  he 
had  spent  in  the  general's  family.  Only  three  months 
before  this  occurrence,  we  find  him  earnestly  suppli 
cating  to  be  allowed  to  seize  what  he  thought  an 
opportunity  for  personal  distinction.  It  may  be  as 
sumed,  then,  that  he  was  anxious  to  leave  the  staff. 
Indeed,  we  have  his  own  word  for  this,  in  the  letter 
above  quoted  to  General  Schuyler :  "  It  has  been 
often  with  great  difficulty  that  I  have  prevailed  upon 
myself  not  to  renounce "  the  position,  he  writes ; 
and  further  says  that  it  was  "  from  motives  of  public 
utility"  that  he  had  refrained  from  doing  so.  It 
would  have  been  no  easy  matter  to  have  supplied 
the  vacancy  which  would  be  left  by  his  with 
drawal,  not  only  on  the  score  of  his  rare  capacity, 
but  because  he  had  so  thoroughly  learned  the  busi 
ness  appurtenant  to  the  place,  and  because,  between 
himself  and  the  commander-in-chief,  there  had  been 
established  such  a  thorough  good  understanding. 
Yet  here,  in  a  moment,  was  presented  to  him  the 
opportunity  of  release  upon  grounds  leaving  him 
altogether  free  from  the  blame  of  abandoning,  from 
selfish  motives,  the  work  which  he  could  do  so  well. 
He  hastily  snatched  at  it.  The  unwelcome  bond 
once  broken  was  not,  by  his  consent,  to  be  made 
whole  again.  It  was  no  lingering  resentment,  then, 
which  led  him  to  decline  to  join  in  the  "candid  con- 


52  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

versation."  Any  such  idea  he  most  carefully  repu 
diated,  and  put  his  resolve  to  leave  the  military 
family  fairly  and  clearly  upon  his  established  dislike 
of  the  position. 

The  affair  was  one  which  both  the  parties  to  it 
wished  to  remove  so  far  as  possible  from  the  reach 
of  gossip  and  of  public  criticism.  They  manifested 
a  plain  and  strong  desire  to  have  nothing  said  or 
known  about  it.  They  seem  never,  save  once  after 
ward,  to  have  referred  to  it  between  themselves. 
A  disagreeable  matter  had  been  done  quickly  and 
decisively ;  having  been  done,  'twere  well  that  it 
should  be  forgotten,  or  at  least  never  refreshed  by 
mention.  It  is  a  pity  that  history  should  not  have 
been  equally  wise  and  forbearing.  But  enemies  of 
each  party,  —  more  especially  of  Hamilton,  —  have 
wasted  much  ingenuity  and  malice  in  their  long  com 
ments  and  treatises,  thereby  rendering  a  more  just 
discussion  necessary.  Yet  it  is  a  barren  and  fruitless, 
as  well  as  a  disagreeable,  field  of  inquiry.  May  not 
two  men  disagree,  and  neither  be  substantially 
blameworthy  ? 

Colonel  Hamilton  now  at  last  conceived  himself  to 
be  in  a  position  in  which  he  could  reasonably  expect 
to  attain  the  object  of  his  ambition,  —  an  indepen 
dent  command.  A  resolve  of  Congress  gave  him  the 
full  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  United  States 
army,  relating  back  to  March  1,  1777,  when  he  had 
been  received  upon  the  staff.  Had  he  continued  in 
the  line  as  he  had  begun,  he  would,  in  the  natural 
course  of  events,  have  been  much  more  advanced. 
Forthwith  he  wrote  to  Washington,  calling  his  atten 
tion  to  these  facts,  suggesting  that  he  might  properly 


THE  REVOLUTION.  53 

be  given  a  command  in  a  light  corps,  and  begging 
earnestly  for  some  worthy  employment.  Washing 
ton,  in  reply,  expressed  his  embarrassment  at  the 
request,  which  he  could  not  grant  yet  was  loath  to 
refuse.  He  feared  to  excite  the  discontent  and  jeal 
ousy  of  senior  officers,  who  had  already,  in  one  or 
two  somewhat  similar  cases,  expressed  a  good  deal 
of  indignation.  In  the  closing  sentence  of  his  letter, 
he  referred  to  the  recent  separation,  —  and  this  is  that 
single  reference  to  it  which  has  been  before  alluded 
to :  "  My  principal  concern,"  he  wrote,  "  arises  from 
an  apprehension  that  you  will  impute  my  refusal  of 
your  request  to  other  motives  than  those  I  have  ex 
pressed,  but  I  beg  you  to  be  assured,  I  am  only  influ 
enced  by  the  reasons  which  I  have  mentioned." 
Hamilton  was  deeply  disappointed.  He  wrote  a  long 
reply  to  Washington,  setting  forth  elaborately  the 
grounds  upon  which  he  conceived  himself  fairly  en 
titled  to  the  position  which  he  sought,  and  drawing 
distinctions  between  his  own  case  and  those  cases 
which  had  previously  caused  trouble  and  ill-will. 
But  he  expressed  his  willingness  to  yield  to  any 
inevitable  necessity  which  the  commander-in-chief 
might  see  in  the  case.  He  concluded  with  the  as 
surance  that  he  was  too  well  persuaded  of  the  candor 
of  the  general  to  attribute  his  refusal  to  any  other 
cause  than  an  apprehension  of  the  inconveniences 
that  might  attend  the  appointment. 

In  the  spring  or  early  summer  following,  not  fan 
cying  his  idle  and  nondescript  position,  he  wrote  a 
letter  to  General  Washington  enclosing  his  commis 
sion.  But  Tilghman  again  came  on  a  mission  to 
urge  him  to  change  his  mind,  and  as  an  inducement 


54  LITE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

held  out  hopes  to  him  that  he  might  soon  have  a 
"  command,  nearly  such  "  as  he  could  desire  "  in  the 
present  circumstances  of  the  army."  It  was  evident 
that  if  a  friendly  footing  had  been  briefly  lost,  it  was 
already  fully  restored  between  himself  and  Washing 
ton.  The  kindly  message  cheered  his  anticipations, 
and  he  allowed  his  old  friend  and  fellow-aide  to  pre 
vail  upon  him  to  withdraw  his  resignation. 

At  this  time  the  army  was  in  camp  near  Dobbs' 
Ferry,  on  the  Hudson,  and  there  was  every  prospect 
of  immediate  and  active  operations  on  a  grand  scale. 
The  project  under  consideration,  and  nearly  matured, 
was  an  attack  upon  the  city  of  New  York.  But  the 
news  that  Admiral  de  Grasse,  with  a  French  squad 
ron,  was  fast  approaching  the  Virginia  coast  led  to  a 
sudden  change  of  plans.  The  southern  campaign, 
resulting  in  the  capture  of  Cornwallis  and  the  virtual 
conclusion  of  the  war,  was  conceived,  determined 
upon,  and  carried  out  with  singular  celerity  and  suc 
cess.  By  great  care  and  the  assistance  of  a  clever 
ruse,  the  enemy  were  completely  deceived  as  to  the 
purpose  of  the  Americans.  The  army  came  safely 
into  Virginia  without  interruption.  Washington  and 
De  Grasse  met  and  arranged  their  plans.  Cornwallis 
was  caught  in  a  cul-de-sac  on  the  promontory  of 
Yorktown,  and  the  lines  of  the  American  army  closed 
the  mouth  of  the  bag. 

Hamilton  was  present  in  command  of  a  corps  of 
light  infantry,  attached  to  the  division  of  Lafayette. 
On  October  6,  the  first  parallel  was  opened  within 
six  hundred  yards  of  the  enemy,  and  Hamilton  moved 
his  troops  into  it.  On  the  eleventh  of  the  same  month, 
the  second  parallel  was  opened  within  three  hundred 


THE  REVOLUTION.  55 

and  sixty  yards.  The  result  could  no  longer  be 
doubted ;  but  there  was  some  fighting  to  be  done 
before  it  could  be  secured.  Two  detached  redoubts, 
in  an  advanced  position  upon  the  left  of  the  British 
forces,  enfiladed  the  American  entrenchments'.  It 
became  obvious  that  these  must  be  taken ;  and  ac 
cordingly  a  heavy  fire  was  opened  upon  them  until 
they  were  deemed  practicable  to  an  assault.  It  was 
then  arranged  that  one  of  them  should  be  assailed 
by  the  French,  the  other  by  the  Americans.  The 
day  named  was  October  14,  which  was  Hamilton's 
regular  turn  for  duty.  But  upon  the  ground  that 
the  light  infantry  which  had  made  the  Virginian 
campaign  might  be  supposed  to  be  entitled  to  prece 
dence,  Washington  intended  to  allow  Colonel  Barber 
to  lead  the  attack.  Hamilton's  spirit  was  immedi 
ately  aroused,  when  this  scheme  was  reported  to 
him.  Without  a  moment's  delay  he  hastened  to 
headquarters,  warmly  urged  his  right  to  the  honor 
able  and  dangerous  task,  gained  his  point,  and  re 
turned  in  a  state  of  exuberant  satisfaction,  exclaiming 
to  his  major,  "  We  have  it !  we  have  it !  " 

The  signal  for  the  attack  having  been  given  by  the 
discharge  of  a  shell,  Hamilton  ordered  an  advance  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  and  dashing  forward  him 
self  in  front  of  his  men,  he  clambered  over  the  abat- 
tis  to  the  parapet,  and  sprang  down  into  the  ditch. 
The  troops  pressed  after  him,  not  firing  a  shot,  but 
with  bayonets  fixed.  For  a  moment  they  lost  sight 
of  him,  and  thought  he  was  killed.  But  forthwith 
he  appeared,  forming  them,  and  giving  his  orders. 
So  impetuous  had  been  his  onslaught,  that  in  nine 
minutes  after  the  abattis  was  passed  the  redoubt  had 


56  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

been  carried,  and  that  too  by  the  bayonet  alone 
without  the  discharge  of  a  single  musket.  The  bril 
liant  feat  called  forth  not  only  the  eager  praises  of 
the  generous  Lafayette,  but  the  high  encomiums  of 
Washington  himself.  "  Few  cases,"  said  he,  "  have 
exhibited  greater  proof  of  intrepidity,  coolness,  and 
firmness  than  were  shown  on  this  occasion." 

Some  foolish  stories  were  afterward  set  afloat,  espe 
cially  by  Dr.  Gordon,  in  connection  with  this  affair. 
The  British  troops  had  shortly  before  committed,  or 
were  believed  to  have  committed,  some  cold-blooded 
and  unsoldierly  atrocities.  The  Marquis  de  Lafayette, 
it  was  said,  asked  leave  to  retaliate,  and  his  request, 
if  not  directly  granted,  was  at  least  not  refused  by 
Washington.  It  was  said  to  be  due  to  the  influence 
of  Hamilton,  exerted  on  the  spot,  that  a  cruel  slaugh 
ter  did  not  take  place.  In  a  letter  written  to  the 
New  York  "  Evening  Post,"  August  10,  1802,  Hamil 
ton  declined  to  be  "  complimented  at  the  expense  of 
Generals  Washington  and  Lafayette,"  and  declared 
the  whole  tale  to  be  false.  The  only  foundation  for 
it,  if  foundation  it  may  be  called,  lay  in  the  following 
simple  circumstance.  A  few  days  before,  the  Amer 
ican  Colonel  Scammel,  while  reconnoitring,  was 
surprised  by  a  party  of  horse,  taken  prisoner,  and 
afterward  wantonly  and  fatally  wounded.  When 
the  British  Colonel  Campbell  came  forward  to  sur 
render  the  redoubt,  a  captain  who  had  served  under 
Colonel  Scammel  made  an  effort  to  thrust  a  bayonet 
into  the  English  officer's  breast.  Hamilton  struck 
the  weapon  aside,  and  Campbell  was  saved. 

The  simple  and  modest  note  in  which  Hamilton 
conveyed  the  news  of  this  exploit  to  his  wife  deserves 


THE  EEVOLUTION.  57 

to  be  reproduced.  "  Two  nights  ago,"  he  wrote, 
"  my  duty  and  my  honor  obliged  me  to  take  a  step  in 
which  your  happiness  was  too  much  risked.  I  com 
manded  an  attack  upon  one  of  the  enemy's  redoubts  ; 
we  carried  it  in  an  instant  and  with  little  loss.  You 
will  see  the  particulars  in  the  Philadelphia  papers. 
There  will  be,  certainly,  nothing  more  of  this  kind ; 
and,  if  there  should  be  another  occasion,  it  will  not 
fall  to  my  turn  to  execute  it." 

He  now  returned  home  on  furlough.  In  fact  his 
military  career  was  ended.  It  became  evident  that 
the  war  itself  was  near  its  close ;  he  had  a  wife  and 
child  dependent  upon  his  labors ;  and  he  was  anx 
ious  to  prepare  himself  for  practice  in  the  profession 
of  the  law.  Still,  so  long  as  there  was  any  chance 
that  his  services  as  a  soldier  might  again  be  needed, 
he  was  loath  finally  to  sever  his  connections  with  the 
army.  He  accordingly  wrote  to  General  Washing 
ton,  stating  his  feelings  in  this  regard  and  his  wish 
to  be  allowed  to  retain  his  commission  a  little  longer, 
till  such  time  as  it  should  be  certain  that  the  fighting 
was  really  over.  But  though  needing  his  just  earn 
ings  for  the  support  of  himself  and  his  family,  —  for 
he  had  declined  liberal  offers  of  assistance  from  Gen 
eral  Schuyler,  —  he  twice  in  the  most  explicit  man 
ner  renounced  all  claim  to  any  pay  or  emoluments 
as  an  army  officer  for  the  time  of  his  absence.  It 
was  not  long,  however,  before  affairs  took  such  a  turn 
that  he  felt  himself  free  to  resign  finally  and  in  due 
form,  there  being  no  possibility  of  farther  demand 
for  his  services. 

That  Hamilton  was  intended  by  nature  for  a  great 
soldier  has  often  been  asserted,  I  think,  with  too 


58  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDEK  HAMILTON. 

exclusive  stress.  That,  if  opportunity  had  offered,  he 
could  have  achieved  the  highest  military  glory  may 
be  regarded  as  certain ;  that  he  found  such  glory 
very  attractive  is  also  true.  But  that  he  was  at 
least  as  well  fitted  to  be  a  statesman  as  a  soldier 
cannot  be  controverted  by  any  person  familiar  with 
his  works  and  his  character.  Statesmanship  was  his 
first  attribute  ;  arms  were  secondary.  Had  his  life 
been  passed  amid  camps  and  in  times  of  war,  he  would 
have  made  a  distinguished  general;  if  aided  by  a 
tolerable  degree  of  that  good  fortune  which  enters 
so  largely  into  warfare,  he  might  have  ranked  even 
among  the  few  great  captains  of  the  world.  But 
while  admiring  his  success,  the  world  would  have  had 
to  contemplate  with  sorrow  the  spectacle  of  a  man 
using  chiefly  only  the  second-best  qualities  of  his 
mind,  developing  faculties  which  though  very  great 
were  yet  inferior  to  others  which  were  held  in  com 
parative  abeyance.  Nor  can  it  be  doubted  that  he 
himself,  at  least  after  the  first  eager  flush  of  youth 
had  passed  away,  would  have  been  conscious  that  he 
was  gifted  with  an  aptitude  for  higher  things,  and 
with  the  power  to  win  a  more  honorable  fame.  To 
have  stopped  short  with  the  reputation  of  an  able 
strategist,  to  have  lived  in  history  only  as  the  victor 
of  many  stricken  fields,  would  have  brought  to  him 
the  keen  disappointment  attendant  upon  a  conscious 
ness  of  unused  powers ;  nor  would  the  people  of  the 
United  States  have  felt  the  misfortune  less  nearly. 
Mankind  cannot  afford  to  have  intellects  such  as  his 
devoted  solely  or  even  chiefly  to  the  wretched  arts  of 
destruction.  Already  while  in  active  service  on  the 
staff  of  Washington,  he  had  felt  the  inclination  and 


THE  REVOLUTION.  59 

had  found  the  time  to  study  those  topics  of  finance 
and  government  of  which  he  afterward  became  so 
great  a  master.  The  tents  of  the  troops  around 
him  were  far  from  forming  his  horizon.  They  did 
not  even  fill  his  mind  during  the  passing  days  of 
the  campaign.  Far  beyond  them  his  vision  wan 
dered,  and  his  thoughts  were  busy  in  a  nobler  and 
wider  sphere  of  usefulness  wherein  he  already  knew 
that  his  duty  in  life  would  be  found. 

Yet  it  is  not  without  cause  that  Hamilton's  sol 
dierly  traits  have  been  dwelt  upon  with  high  praise. 
He  was  undoubtedly  fond  of  the  profession  of  arms. 
His  was  the  common  case  of  a  man  who  selects  as 
his  calling  in  life  that  pursuit  for  which  he  knows 
himself  to  be  preeminently  fitted,  and  by  his  success 
proves  the  soundness  of  his  choice  ;  but,  as  secondary 
and  collateral  to  this,  cultivates  some  strong  natural 
taste,  and  reaches  therein  such  a  degree  of  excellence, 
that  the  world,  in  its  admiration  of  the  TTfipepyov, 
sometimes  mistakenly  thinks  that  it  should  have  been 
the  epyov  itself,  and  that  the  hero  has  mistaken  his 
own  powers  and  function  in  life.  But  it  is  not  often 
that  the  real  hero  falls  into  such  an  error.  There  is 
a  trustworthy  and  saving  instinct  within  him.  There 
was  much  that  was  attractive  to  the  mind  and  tem 
per  of  Hamilton  in  the  ingredients  of  military 
success.  His  brilliant  genius,  as  it  was  peculiarly 
fitted  to  achieve,  so  was  especially  addicted  to  ad 
mire,  a  thorough  and  finished  result.  To  labor  for 
the  attainment  of  a  certain  definite  end ;  to  bend  all 
his  energies  to  it,  and  to  obtain  a  definite,  tangible, 
and  brilliant  conclusion, — such  as  the  capture  of  a 
town,  or  the  defeat  of  an  army,  —  would  have  ap- 


60  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

peared  exceedingly  fascinating  to  his  vigorous  spirit ; 
and  he  would  have  keenly  appreciated  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  the  ripe  fruits  of  his  ardent  toil  and  the  clear 
proofs  that  his  earnest  expenditure  of  force  had  been 
neither  insufficient  nor  misapplied.  Achievement 
was  his  function  in  life ;  and  nowhere  is  achievement 
more  sharply  and  unmistakably  marked  than  in 
active  warfare.  A  ready  invention,  a  fertility  in 
resources,  an  ingenuity  never  at  fault,  were  distin 
guishing  traits  of  Hamilton.  Reverses  he  bore  with 
singular  cheerfulness.  Not  so  sanguine  as  to  become 
rash,  he  was  yet  of  so  hopeful  a  temper  that  his 
courage  never  was  broken.  His  spirit  never  failed 
him ;  his  equanimity  was  never  perturbed.  Thus  it 
happened  that  he  always  had  his  faculties  at  com 
mand  and  in  their  best  condition,  neither  over-heated 
nor  unduly  depressed.  His  views  were  not  distorted, 
and  his  action  was  therefore  wise.  It  has  been 
already  remarked  how  frequently  and  strongly  this 
peculiarity  was  manifested  in  the  Revolution.  There 
was  none  other  who,  like  him,  could  pluck  the  flower 
hope  from  the  nettle  jeopardy. 

He  had,  in  a  rare  degree,  the  power  of  command. 
It  was  matter  of  instinct  with  men  to  obey  him. 
Those  of  age  much  greater  than  his  own,  and  of  ex 
perience  incomparably  more  extensive,  recognized  his 
natural  superiority,  and  yielded  to  him  a  deference 
which  they  would  have  reluctantly  shown  to  each 
other.  His  power  of  winning  personal  attachment 
to  himself  made  all  such  obedience  easy  and  agree 
able  to  those  who  manifested  it.  Had  he  been  the 
commander  of  an  army,  it  is  certain  that  whatever 
had  been  done  for  him  by  officers  or  men  would  have 


THE  REVOLUTION.  61 

been  done  with  that  heartiness  which  gives  to  the 
labor  double  its  wonted  effectiveness.  His  orders 
would  have  been  carried  out  with  that  energy  and 
success  which  always  attend  duties  performed  under 
the  impulse  of  affection  and  with  the  sense  of  confi 
dence.  Discipline  iji  his  camp,  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  must  have  been  of  the  best  kind ; 
thorough,  yet  animated  by  a  warm,  vital  spirit. 

As  a  tactician  and  strategist,  it  is  difficult  to  bring 
actual  proof  of  the  extent  of  his  power.  To  his  own 
great  regret,  he  never  had  the  opportunity  to  create 
such  proof.  But  it  is  well  known  that  he  was  con 
stantly  and  confidentially  consulted  by  Washington 
concerning  all  the  campaigns  and  movements  of  the 
Revolution;  and  the  Revolution  was  eminently  a  war 
of  manoeuvres.  Beyond  this,  we  have  the  evidence 
furnished  by  his  correspondence.  He  often  ventured 
to  predict,  nor  are  his  predictions  often  erroneous. 
Even  with  the  slender  experience  which  he  had  at 
the  time  of  Burgoyne's  expedition,  we  find  him 
appreciating  fully  the  military  situation. 

The  fall  of  Philadelphia  he  foretold  as  probable, 
since  it  could  only  be  prevented  by  a  general  engage 
ment  which  could  not  prudently  be  risked.  The 
system  upon  which  the  war  was  necessarily  to  be 
conducted  was  early  seen  and  stated  by  him.  "  It 
may  be  asked,  If,  to  avoid  a  general  engagement,  we 
give  up  objects  of  the  first  importance,  what  is  to 
hinder  the  eneni}'  from  carrying  every  important 
point,  and  ruining  us  ?  My  answer  is,  that  our  h'opes 
are  not  placed  in  any  particular  city,  or  spot  of 
ground,  but  in  the  preserving  a  good  army  furnished 
with  proper  necessaries,  to  take  advantage  of  favor- 


62  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

able  opportunities,  and  waste  and  defeat  the  enemy  by 
piecemeal.  Every  new  post  they  take  requires  a  new 
division  of  their  forces,  and  enables  us  to  strike  with 
our  united  force  against  a  part  of  theirs  ;  and  such  is 
their  present  situation,  that  another  Trenton  affair 
will  amount  to  a  complete  victory  on  our  part,"  &c. 

It  was  in  some  measure  owing  to  Hamilton's  keen 
criticism  of  the  blunders  committed  by  Gates,  and 
thorough  exposure  of  his  gross  incompetence,  if  not 
actual  personal  cowardice,  that  he  was  fortunately 
displaced.  The  same  shrewd  observer  earnestly 
pressed  that  the  gallant  and  accomplished  soldier, 
General  Greene,  should  be  put  in  the  vacant  com 
mand.  "  If  he  is  changed,  for  God's  sake  overcome 
prejudice,  and  send  Greene.  You  know  my  opinion 
of  him.  I  stake  my  reputation  on  the  event,  give 
him  but  fair  play." 

In  this  connection,  it  is  appropriate  to  mention  one 
military  scheme  of  Hamilton's,  in  itself  sufficiently 
interesting,  and  which  is  rendered  even  more  so  by 
subsequent  events  in  the  national  history.  This  was 
his  plan  for  raising  levies  of  negro  troops  in  the 
South.  He  thoroughly  considered  the  matter,  be 
came  convinced  that  it  was  practicable,  and  urged 
it  with  much  warmth  and  eagerness.  His  friend 
Laurens,  whose  judgment  upon  such  a  question  was 
especially  valuable,  seconded  his  endeavors,  and  was 
ready  to  command  the  black  battalions.  But  there 
were  obstacles  of  prejudice  and  interest  in  the  way, 
which  it  was  impossible  for  the  aide-de-camp  to  over 
come  by  such  labor  as  it  was  in  his  power  to  apply  in 
the  cause.  In  a  long  letter  to  the  President  of  Con 
gress,  dated  March  14,  1779,  concerning  this  subject, 


THE  REVOLUTION.  63 

he  declared  the  expedient  to  be  "  the  most  rational 
that  can  be  adoptedv  ...  I  have  not  the  least  doubt 
that  the  negroes  will  make  very  excellent  soldiers, 
with  proper  management.  .  .  .  The  contempt  we 
have  been  taught  to  entertain  for  the  blacks  makes 
us  fancy  many  things  that  are  founded  neither  in 
reason  nor  experience.  .  .  .  An  essential  part  of  the 
plan  is,  to  give  them  their  freedom  with  their  swords. 
This  will  secure  their  fidelity,  animate  their  courage, 
and,  I  believe,  will  have  a  good  influence  upon  those 
who  remain,  by  opening  a  door  to  their  emancipation. 
This  circumstance,  I  confess,  has  no  small  weight  in 
inducing  me  to  wish  the  success  of  the  project ;  for 
the  dictates  of  humanity  and  true  policy  equally 
interest  me  in  favor  of  this  class  of  men.  .  .  .  The 
troops  .  .  .  must  be  officered  in  the  best  possible 
manner."  But  Hamilton  was  far  in  advance  of  the 
ideas  and  the  liberality  of  his  age.  More  than  two 
generations  passed,  even  in  this  age  and  country  of 
rapid  intellectual  progress,  before  it  was  possible, 
and  even  then  in  the  face  of  a  great  outcry,  to  test 
and  prove  the  soundness  of  his  belief  in  the  soldierly 
capacity  of  the  African  race. 


64  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE  LAW. 

MENTION  has  been  made  of  Hamilton's  wife  and 
child.  To  avoid  breaking  the  continuity  of  the 
narration  of  his  military  career,  the  event  of  his 
marriage  has  not  been  previously  stated.  It  took 
place  on  the  14th  day  of  December,  1780,  when  he 
espoused  Elizabeth,  second  daughter  of  General 
Philip  Schuyler.  He  had  made  the  acquaintance 
during  his  famous  mission  to  Gates,  which  might 
have  seemed  less  intolerable  could  this  result  have 
been  then  foreknown.  But  it  was  not  until  subse 
quently,  in  the  spring  of  1780,  when  General  Wash 
ington  and  many  of  his  officers  brought  their  families 
to  the  camp  at  Morristown,  that  the  acquaintance 
ripened  into  intimacy  and  love.  His  reception  by 
the  family  of  the  bride  was  as  warm  as  he  could 
have  desired.  They  had  no  other  feeling  than  that 
of  pleasure  in  the  acquisition  of  so  agreeable  and 
promising  a  relative.  General  Schuyler  wrote  to 
him  most  affectionately:  "You  cannot,  my  dear  sir, 
be  more  happy  at  the  connection  you  have  made  with 
my  family,  than  I  am.  Until  the  child  of  a  parent 
has  made  a  judicious  choice,  his  heart  is  in  continual 
anxiety;  but  this  anxiety  was  removed  the  moment 


THE  LAW.  65 

I  discovered  it  was  you  on  whom  she  placed  her 
affections.  ...  I  shall  .  .  .  only  entreat  you  to 
consider  me  as  one  who  wishes,  in  every  way,  to 
promote  your  happiness,"  &c. 

It  has  pleased  some  writers  to  insinuate  that  this 
marriage  was  singularly  fortunate  for  Hamilton  in  a 
worldly  point  of  view ;  that  the  position  of  his 
bride,  as  the  member  of  a  distinguished,  rich,  and 
influential  family,  was,  both  socially  and  in  other 
respects,  above  what  he  could  have  expected  to  as 
pire  to.  The  notion  is  simply  absurd.  Hamilton, 
though  without  property  or  family  connections  in 
the  States,  was  very  far  from  owing  to  his  marriage 
either  his  first  firm  and  assured  foothold  in  social 
estimation,  or  his  prospects  of  a  successful  career. 
The  language  of  the  letter  just  cited  is  conclusive, 
at  least  upon  the  former  point,  even  if  his  personal 
friendship  with  General  Washington  and  others  of 
the  leading  gentlemen  in  the  country  could  leave 
such  testimony  necessary.  For  the  matter  of  money, 
though  he  had  no  accumulated  stores,  yet  his  capacity 
to  earn  it  in  abundance  was  sufficiently  manifest. 

From  time  to  time,  General  Schuyler  made  to  the 
young  couple  the  most  liberal  offers  of  pecuniary 
assistance,  which  might  have  been  at  least  tempo 
rarily  accepted  without  any  sacrifice  of  independence 
or  of  a  proper  pride,  for  the  reason  that  the  pay  of 
the  officers  of  the  army  was  so  scandalously  in  arrears 
as  to  leave  it  no  easy  thing  for  them  to  meet  the  ex 
penses  of  the  simplest  scale  of  living.  But  kindly 
and  freely  as  these  offers  were  made,  Hamilton's 
spirit  made  him  unwilling  to  avail  himself  of  them. 
Not  ungraciously,  but  as  delicately  as  they  were  made, 

YOL.   I.  5 


66  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

they  were  refused.  He  felt  himself  able  to  take  care 
of  his  own  household ;  he  was  resolved  to  do  so,  and 
he  did  so  from  the  earliest  days  of  his  wedded  life. 
But  it  may  be  conceived  that  to  remain  an  unpaid 
colonel  of  the  confederation  was  not  a  prospect  es 
pecially  gratifying  to  one  who  had  assumed  such  re 
sponsibilities,  and  who  felt  that  he  had  an  honorable 
position  to  maintain  in  the  eyes  of  the  world  and  of 
society.  Thus  it  was  that,  when  really  active  service 
no  longer  required  his  actual  presence  in  the  field,  he 
hastened  to  devote  his  time  to  the  study  of  the  profes 
sion  of  the  law.  This  he  had  singled  out  for  himself, 
undeterred  by  the  discouraging  representations  of 
some  among  his  friends  as  to  the  long  preparation  and 
weary  waiting  for  business  which  might  be  reason 
ably  anticipated.  He  had  an  inward  instinct  in  the 
matter  ;  and  it  is  probable  that  in  the  secrecy  of  his 
own  soul  he  contemplated  no  slow  journey,  by  mod 
erate  stages,  towards  either  knowledge  or  success. 

Those  who  have  studied  the  science  of  the  law, 
knowing  how  vast  is  the  field,  are  naturally  incredu 
lous  when  they  hear  of  ambitious  young  men  fitting 
themselves  for  practice  in  brief  periods  of  prepara 
tion.  But  to  the  most  rigid  general  rules  there  is 
ever  appended  a  list  of  exceptions.  It  was  about 
the  month  of  March,  1782,  when  Hamilton  came  from 
Philadelphia,  took  a  house  in  Albany,  and  began  the 
study  of  his  profession,  with  the  assistance  and  instruc 
tion  of  his  old  friend  of  army  days,  Colonel  Troup, 
whom  he  had  invited  to  share  his  house  with  him. 
In  the  following  July  he  was  admitted  as  an  attorney. 
If  it  should  be  urged  by  legal  martinets  that  four 
months  are  inadequate  for  the  most  brilliant  genius 


THE  LAW.  67 

to  perform  such  a  feat  with  any  degree  of  thorough 
ness,  it  can  only  be  answered  that  tangible  proof 
exists  to  make  even  this  incredible  story  credible. 
Before  he  had  been  thus  admitted  to  the  learned 
brotherhood,  Hamilton  had  already  composed  a  man 
ual  on  .the  practice  of  the  law,  so  excellent  that  it 
"  served  as  an  instructive  grammar  to  future  students, 
and  became  the  groundwork  of  subsequent  enlarged 
practical  treatises."  So  valuable  was  it,  indeed,  that 
some  lawyers  of  New  York  were  actually  at  the  pains 
to  copy  it  out,  and  even  by  so  laborious  a  means  to 
secure  it  in  manuscript  as  a  guide  in  their  practice. 

Hamilton's  legal  career  was  very  near  being  fur 
ther  indefinitely  postponed  by  his  engagement  in  the 
public  service  abroad.  Toward  the  close  of  the  year 
1780,  it  became  evident  that  no  pains  must  be  spared 
to  secure  another  loan  from  France.  Hamilton,  keenly 
appreciating  this  necessity,  insisted  in  his  correspond 
ence  that  a  special  envoy  should  be  sent,  charged 
specifically  with  the  duty  of  this  solicitation.  His 
scheme  was  to  send  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  whose 
personal  and  family  influence  might  essentially  for 
ward  the  negotiation.  In  the  progress  of  discussion, 
other  persons  suggested  that  it  might  be  desirable  that 
Hamilton  should  be  joined  with  Lafayette  in  the  mis 
sion.  But  the  proposition  thus  to  dispose  of  his  time 
was  by  no  means  to  the  taste  of  the  active  Frenchman. 
He  did  not  at  all  approve  of  a  plan  for  sending  him 
home  to  beg  for  money,  when  he  had  come  over  to 
the  States  in  the  expectation  of  being  concerned  in 
the  more  glorious  and  exciting  occupation  of  war 
fare.  He  therefore  was  very  anxious  to  transfer  the 
business  to  the  sole  charge  of  his  friend,  now  desig- 


G8  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

nated  as  his  comrade.  It  seemed  not  improvable  that 
this  project  would  finally  prevail,  and  the  marquis 
wrote  to  Hamilton,  promising  all  sorts  of  delightful 
introductory  letters,  social  and  political.  'It  would 
hardly  have  been  possible  to  have  entered  Paris 
under  more  favorable  auspices. 

The  fascinating  prospect  might  have  been  made  a 
reality  had  Hamilton  so  willed  it.  But  it  unfortu 
nately  so  befell  that  what  he  regarded  as  the  impera 
tive  demand  of  a  generous  friendship  obliged  him  to 
decline  the  position.  The  father  of  his  friend  Lau- 
rens,  a  distinguished  patriot,  who  had  been  President 
of  Congress,  and  was  afterward  despatched  as  a  com 
missioner  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  United  Prov 
inces,  was  captured  upon  his  voyage  thither  by  a  Brit 
ish  cruiser,  carried  into  England,  and  confined  in  the 
tower.  This  untoward  event  rendered  it  desirable 
for  Colonel  Laurens  to  go  abroad,  where,  being  nearer 
to  his  father,  he  might  succeed  in  exercising  some 
influence  upon  his  fate.  Hamilton  thereupon  at  once 
declined  to  stand  as  a  candidate  for  the  embassy, 
withdrawing  in  favor  of  his  friend.  Laurens,  not  to 
be  outdone  in  generosity,  refused  to  accept  the  sacri 
fice,  and  asserted  his  confidence  that  his  father's  for 
tunes  would  be  as  ably  and  as  faithfully  looked  after 
by  Hamilton  as  by  himself.  But  Hamilton  persisted. 
Laurens  at  last  yielded  ;  and  Congress,  which  appears 
to  have  patiently  awaited  the  result  of  this  friendly 
contention,  being  notified  that  Laurens  would  accept, 
unanimously  conferred  upon  him  the  position.  To  this 
noble  act  of  friendship  it  was  due  that  Hamilton  lived 
and  died  without  having  set  foot  on  the  shores  of 
Europe,  —  no  slight  loss  to  such  a  man.  The  confi- 


THE   LAW.  69 

dence  reposed  in  him  was  shown  by  the  fact,  that  to 
him  was  delegated  the  task  of  drawing  up  a  special 
letter  of  instructions,  addressed  to  Laurens  in  the 
name  of  General  Washington,  and  supplementary  to 
the  regular  instructions  issued  by  Congress.  This 
document,  showing  a  thorough  and  admirable  com 
prehension  of  the  pressing  need  which  the  mission 
was  to  satisfy,  and  of  the  skilful  manner  in  which 
that  need  should  be  presented  to  the  consideration 
of  the  French  ministry,  is  preserved  in  his  works. 

The  financial  embarrassments  of  the  country  early 
attracted  the  anxious  attention  of  Hamilton.  It  must 
have  been  a  very  strong  native  taste,  which,  in  the 
second  year  of  his  life  as  an  aide-de-camp,  induced 
him  amid  all  the  distraction  and  multiplicity  of  his 
other  employments  to  devote  much  study  to  a  sub 
ject  always  so  dry  and  arduous,  and  in  this  especial 
instance  also  sufficiently  unpromising  to  have  dis 
couraged  an  experienced  financier.  Successful  finan 
ciering  under  cheerful  auspices  is  attractive  to  able 
minds,  but  the  management  of  our  Revolutionary 
finances  might  have  reduced  King  Midas  to  absolute 
despair.  Confusion  and  ruin  filled  up  the  prospect, 
near  and  remote.  For  a  long  time,  no  officer  had 
charge  of  the  fiscal  affairs  of  the  Confederation. 
Congress  had  been  trying  to  conduct  them,  and  had 
succeeded  in  producing  a  condition  of  things  which 
long  since  would  have  seemed  to  be  as  bad  as  possi 
ble,  had  it  not,  by  growing  daily  worse,  continued  to 
develop  unsuspected  vistas  of  difficulty.  To  Robert 
Morris,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  and  the  only  one 
who  had  displayed  any  moderate  degree  of  financial 
knowledge  or  ability,  Hamilton  finally  addressed  a 


70  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

long  letter  embodying  his  views  of  the  possible  course 
of  extrication.  With  what  modesty  these  suggestions 
were  offered  may  be  inferred,  not  only  from  the  ex 
pressions  of  diffidence  contained  in  the  letter,  but 
from  the  fact  that  it  was  sent  anonymously.  If  fur 
ther  explanations  or  developments  should  be  desired, 
it  was  said  that  "  a  letter  directed  to  James  Montague, 
Esquire,  lodged  in  the  post-office  in  Morristown,  would 
be  a  safe  channel  of  any  communications."  The 
points  urged  in  this  letter  may  be  briefly  stated  as 
follows :  First,  The  issue  of  paper  money  could  not 
have  bee/i  averted  by  Congress  by  reason  of  the 
actual  deficiency  of  a  sufficient  supply  of  hard  money 
in  the  country.  Second,  The  only  way  to  absorb  and 
retire  this  paper  was  by  obtaining  more  real  money ; 
and  more  real  money  could  be  obtained  by  the  Con 
federation  only  in  the  manner  in  which  the  u  most 
opulent  states  of  Europe,  in  a  war  of  any  duration," 
were  accustomed  to  supply  themselves  ;  that  is  to  say, 
by  a  foreign  loan. 

The  use  to  which  the  proceeds  of  such  a  loan,  al 
ready  in  actual  contemplation,  should  be  put  was  a 
much-vexed  question.  The  gross  deficiency  of  finan 
cial  experience  then  at  the  service  of  the  States  may 
be  judged  from  the  fact  that  of  two  plans  proposed, 
one  was  "  to  purchase  up  at  once,  in  specie,  or  ster 
ling  bills,  all  superfluous  paper ; "  and  that  it  was 
left  to  this  young  soldier  of  twenty-three  years  of  age 
to  explode  the  foolish  scheme,  and  expose  its  short 
sighted  nature.  The  other  plan,  poor  enough,  though 
44  incomparably  better  than  the  former,"  was  to  con 
vert  the  loan  into  merchandise,  and  import  it  on  pub 
lic  account.'  The  results  which  might  be  anticipated 


THE   LAW.  71 

from  this  scheme,  its  few  advantages  and  many  ob 
jections,  were  fully  discussed,  and  the  plan  decisively 
condemned  by  Hamilton.  But  inasmuch  as  the  let 
ter  was  not  written  for  the  sole  purpose  of  finding 
fault  without  offering  suggestions,  a  proposition  was 
brought  forward,  which  ever  afterward  remained  a 
favorite  with  the  writer  in  his  maturer  years.  "  The 
plan  I  would  propose,"  he  said,  "  is  that  of  an  Ameri 
can  Bank,  instituted  by  authority  of  Congress  for  ten 
years,  under  the  denomination  of  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States."  The  foreign  loan,  supposing  it  "  to 
amount  to  two  millions  of  pounds  sterling,"  would 
form  a  solid  back-bone  of  capital  in  good  actual  funds. 
The  government  should  share  half  the  whole  stock 
and  profits  of  the  Bank  ;  and  the  Bank  should  fur 
nish  Congress  with  an  annual  loan  of  two  millions 
sterling,  if  they  should  have  occasion  for  it,  at  four 
per  cent  interest.  An  arrangement  was  also  made  by 
which  the  Bank  would  by  degrees  absorb  the  paper 
circulation.  These  were  only  some  of  the  features ; 
but  it  is  not  worth  while  to  insert  here  the  full  and 
elaborate  sketch  of  a  scheme  which  was  not  carried 
into  execution.  As  one  of  its  great  advantages, 
Hamilton  believed  that  it  might  help  to  preserve  the 
currency  by  making  it  the  immediate  interest  of  the 
moneyed  men  to  cooperate  with  government  in  its 
support.  Much  other  good  also  he  pointed  out  as 
likely  to  accrue,  and  apparently  with  sound  and  suf 
ficient  reasons  for  his  expectations.  Yet  he  escapes 
the  charge  of  being  a  sanguine  and  visionary  concoc- 
ter  of  theories,  for  he  frankly  says :  "I  do  not  be 
lieve  that  the  advantages  will  be  so  great  in  fact,  as 
they  seem  to  be  in  speculation.  They  will  be  lim- 


72  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

ited "  by  the  operation  of  various  causes  which  he 
proceeds  coolly  and  fairly  to  point  out. 

Whether  Mr.  Morris  ever  knew  who  was  his  anony 
mous  correspondent  does  not  appear.  Nor  were  the 
merits  of  the  plan  'tested  at  the  time  by  trial.  In  the 
absence  of  intervention  by  any  Deus  ex  machina, 
affairs  which  seemed  to  have  reached  a  climax  of  ill 
continued  to  grow  marvellously  worse.  Congress 
was  at  last  driven  to  take  one  sensible  step,  and  in 
1781  they  created  the  post  of  Superintendent  of  Fi 
nance,  and  appointed  Robert  Morris  to  fill  it.  He 
had  sufficient  patriotism  to  accept,  gloomy  as  the 
prospect  was.  It  may  be  questionable  with  what 
measure  of  thankfulness  or  attention  a  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  in  times  when  financial  problems  are 
rife,  reads  the  many  lucubrations  which  he  receives 
from  the  many  wiseacres  who  think  themselves  com 
petent  to  advise  him.  Yet  it  may  be  imagined  that 
poor  Mr.  Morris,  in  the  midst  of  a  perplexity  equal 
to  the  worst  with  which  any  minister  of  finance  was 
ever  called  upon  to  cope,  may  have  clutched  with 
eagerness  at  such  missives  in  the  desperate  hope  that 
some  one  of  them  might  by  good  luck  contain  a  valu 
able  suggestion.  It  was  not  long  before  he  received 
a  second  letter  from  Hamilton,  longer  and  more 
elaborate  by  far  than  the  former.  It  contained  a 
careful  examination  into  the  resources  of  the  country, 
and  a  comparison  of  them  with  the  resources  of  other 
countries,  made  for  the  purpose  of  showing  what 
revenues  could  be  reasonably  expected.  The  time 
when  foreign  aid  could  be  expected  was  declared  to 
have  passed  by.  Some  countries  could  not,  the 
rest  would  not,  help  us.  The  States  must  depend 


THE  LAW.  73 

upon  themselves  ;  and  to  this  end  the  wisest  course 
lay  in  the  establishment  of  a  National  Bank.  Again 
this  measure  was  urged,  with  a  very  full  and  careful 
sketch  of  the  principles  upon  which  it  should  be  con 
structed,  and  the  manner  in  which  it  might  be  ex 
pected  to  work. 

The  writer  was  sanguine  as  usual.  "  The  game 
we  play,"  he  said,  "  is  a  sure  game,  if  we  play  it 
with  skill.  I  have  calculated,  in  the  preceding  ob 
servations,  on  the  most  disadvantageous  side."  The 
diffidence  of  an  amateur,  expressed  in  the  earlier 
letter,  is  giving  way  to  the  self-confidence  of  a  master 
of  the  subject,  a  character  which  the  whole  scope 
and  tone  of  this  later  production  show  that  he  was 
now  entitled  to  assume.  He  received  a  very  kind  and 
appreciative  letter  of  thanks  from  Mr.  Morris,  who 
professed  to  have  been  much  encouraged  by  finding 
that  ideas  already  entertained  by  himself  coincided 
with  the  propositions  of  Hamilton.  The  plan  for  the 
Bank  was  soon,  he  said,  to  be  published,  and  subscrip 
tions  opened  for  its  establishment,  though  with  a 
capital  much  less  than  the  two  millions  of  pounds 
lawful  money,  which  Hamilton  had  named.  Mr. 
Morris  mentioned  some  other  features  of  his  own 
scheme,  and  concluded  by  saying  that  not  only  was 
he  himself  obliged  and  gratified  by  the  communica 
tion,  but  that  the  public  also  were  indebted  for  it ; 
and  he  invited  further  correspondence  whenever  Ham 
ilton  should  have  any  thing  to  suggest.  "  Communi 
cations  from  men  of  genius  and  abilities  will  always 
be  acceptable  ;  and  yours  will  always  command  atten 
tion."  The  Bank  was  set  in  operation,  and  by  the 
aid  it  afforded  amply  vindicated  the  wisdom  of  its 
promoters. 


74  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Who  actually  first  suggested  the  scheme  of  a 
National  Bank  in  the  States,  it  is  not  easy  to  say. 
The  honor  is  claimed  for  Hamilton ;  it  has  also  been 
claimed  for  others.  Gouverneur  Morris,  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend,  says:  "The  first  Bank  in  this  country 
was  planned  by  your  humble  servant."  But  Mr. 
Morris's  biographer,  Jared  Sparks,  whose  statements 
are  entitled  to  much  weight,  says  of  this  quotation : 
"  By  this  he  probably  meant  that  he  drew  up  the 
plan  of  the  Bank  and  the  observations  accompanying 
it,  which  were  presented  to  Congress,  and  not  that 
he  individually  originated  the  scheme.  This  was 
doubtless  matured  in  conjunction  with  the  super 
intendent.  ...  To  Hamilton  also  may  properly  be 
ascribed  a  portion  of  the  merit  in  forming  this  Bank." 
The  truth,  doubtless,  is  that  none  of  the  few  persons 
who  then  thought  intelligently  upon  the  subject  of 
national  finance  could  have  failed  to  have  the  idea  of 
a  Bank  occur  to  them.  It  was  a  plan  in  successful 
operation  in  other  countries,  whose  example  was 
necessarily  looked  to  for  information,  and  it  could  not 
have  escaped  consideration.  The  honor  lies  only  in 
being  among  the  few  who  strongly  advocated  it  at 
the  earliest  day  when  its  establishment  was  possible, 
and  in  suggesting  a  practicable  system  for  its  struct 
ure  and  conduct.  This  honor  is  to  be  shared  be 
tween  the  two  Morrises  and  Hamilton,  with  by  no 
means  the  smallest  portion  as  the  share  of  the  latter. 
It  was  always  a  favorite  project  with  him  ;  one  which 
he  fully  believed  in,  thoroughly  understood,  and 
finally  carried  into  practice  with  great  skill  and 
success. 

The  impression  made  by  the  last- mentioned  letter 


THE  LAW.  75 

upon  the  mind  of  Mr.  Morris  was  not  transitory.  So 
far  back  as  September,  1780,  Hamilton  had  written  to 
Duane  that  in  his  opinion  there  should  be  established 
in  each  State  the  office  of  "  Continental  Superin 
tendent,"  the  incumbent  to  have  charge  of  the  matter 
of  taxes  and  requisitions  on  behalf  of  Congress. 
Eighteen  months  of  steadily  increasing  expenditures 
and  diminishing  receipts  at  last  educated  Congress 
to  take  the  same  view  of  the  necessity  of  having  such 
an  officer.  The  bill  passed,  and  forthwith  Mr.  Morris 
wrote  to  Hamilton,  urging  him  to  accept  the  post  for 
the  State  of  New  York ;  and  promising  him  as  com 
pensation  one  fourth  of  one  per  cent  "  on  the  moneys 
you  receive."  The  quota  of  New  York  for  the  cur 
rent  year  was  8373,598.00.  But  it  was  probable  that 
a  very  insignificant  proportion  of  this  amount  would 
be  actually  "  received."  The  compensation  would 
therefore  be  inconsiderable,  and  the  labor  would  be 
great,  at  least  if  done  as  Hamilton  thought  it  should 
be.  Nothing  less  than  a  complete  reorganization  of 
the  whole  system  and  practice  of  the  State  in  the 
matter  of  taxation  would  satisfy  him,  if  he  was 
indeed  to  set  about  the  task.  This  would  take  nearly 
all  his  time  ;  would  prevent  his  establishing  his  pro 
fessional  business  as  a  permanent  source  of  income, 
and  would  probably  actually  not  yield  him  sufficient 
revenue  to  defray  his  household  expenses,  even  upon 
a  very  frugal  scale.  For  these  reasons  he  wrote  to 
Morris  that  he  must  decline  the  offer. 

But  a  reply  from  Mr.  Morris  explained  that  the 
percentage  was  to  be  allowed  upon  the  quota  assessed 
upon  the  State,  without  regard  to  the  amount  of  col 
lections.  This  rendered  the  pay  more  nearly  equiva- 


76  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

lent  to  the  work,  even  upon  the  extended  scale 
proposed  by  Hamilton,  and  warmly  commended  by 
Mr.  Morris  ;  and  Hamilton  finally  resolved  to  yield 
to  the  solicitations  of  the  superintendent,  and  accept 
the  appointment.  Forthwith  he  repaired  to  Pough- 
keepsie,  notified  Governor  Clinton  of  his  appointment, 
and  requested  to  be  allowed  a  conference  with  a  com 
mittee  of  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature.  His  energy 
soon  gave  promise  of  bearing  good  fruit.  A  joint 
committee  was  appointed  to  aid  in  his  designs ;  and 
both  Houses  were  prevailed  upon  to  pass  resolu 
tions,  to  be  transmitted  to  Congress  and  to  the  sev 
eral  States,  proposing  a  convention  of  the  States  to 
enlarge  the  powers  of  Congress  and  vest  that  body 
with  funds.  How  far  these  two  measures  are  actually 
to  be  attributed  to  the  personal  influence  of  Hamilton 
it  is  impossible  to  assert  positively.  Certain  it  is  that 
they  were  perfect  exponents  of  his  views,  and  were 
suggested  and  passed  soon  after  his  appearance  at 
Poughkeepsie. 

His  next  step  was  to  prepare  an  elaborate  bill, 
embodying  an  entire  new  system  of  taxation.  But 
the  difficulties  he  met  with  were  great.  Not  alone 
was  the  reigning  confusion  a  perpetual  embarrass 
ment,  but  ignorance,  prejudice,  and  interest  com 
bined  in  an  almost  invincible  league  against  him. 
A  large  portion  of  his  time  also  was  necessarily  de 
voted  to  the  disagreeable  task  of  dunning,  which  he 
prosecuted  industriously  and  with  such  success  that 
the  novel  doctrine  that  taxes  were  a  charge  really 
to  be  paid  began  to  make  some  progress  among  peo 
ple  who  had  long  regarded  the  tax-gatherer's  receipt 
as  a  rare  curiosity,  not  to  be  found  in  many  house- 


THE  LAW.  77 

holds.  Long  continuance  in  this  career  would  proba 
bly  not  have  promoted  his  personal  popularity,  though 
it  could  hardly  have  failed  substantially  to  improve 
the  public  finances.  But  he  had  not  been  long  re 
ceiver  when  he  was  interrupted  in  the  duties  of  the 
office  by  a  summons  to  another  sphere  of  useful 
ness.  He  was  elected  to  Congress  by  the  State 
of  New  York.  In  consequence  of  this  change  in 
his  circumstances,  he  resigned  the  receivership  on 
Oct.  1,  1782. 


78  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION. 

ABLE  men  at  this  time  were  with  difficulty  per 
suaded  to  fill  any  office  of  a  national  character. 
It  was  an  ill  prize  to  offer  to  ambition,  and  for  a  few 
years  the  singular  spectacle  was  actually  beheld  of 
men  accepting  public  functions  of  an  apparently  ex 
alted  nature  in  an  honest  spirit  of  self-sacrifice.  The 
language  of  unwillingness  assumed  by  political  aspi 
rants  as  a  sort  of  tribute  to  a  fashion,  which  has 
become  established  in  their  calling,  was  for  once 
thoroughly  arid  unquestionably  sincere.  The  period 
intervening  between  the  early  part  of  the  year  1782, 
when  peace  first  began  to  appear  as  a  definite  proba 
bility  to  be  achieved  at  an  early  day,  and  the  month 
of  March,  1789,  when  the  new  Constitution  went 
into  operation,  would  be  gladly  consigned  to  obscu 
rity  and  oblivion  by  the  historian,  were  it  not  abso 
lutely  necessary  to  seek  in  that  melancholy  chaos 
the  elements  and  influences  which  combined  to  form 
the  new  system  of  government.  The  narrative  of 
those  blind  gropings,  those  disastrous  blunders,  those 
cruel  humiliations,  all  occurring  beneath  the  eyes  of 
the  cynical  and  cavilling  observers  in  European 
courts,  is  painful  indeed  to  rehearse.  Bitterly  did 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    79 

the  prominent  Americans  feel  the  vexation  of  their 
position.  It  was  no  ordinary  condition  of  the  public 
affairs,  no  brief  vexation  arising  out  of  slight  and 
fleeting  annoyances,  which  could  induce  Washington 
to  write :  "  To  be  more  exposed  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world,  and  more  contemptible  than  we  already  are,  is 
hardly  possible."  The  long  anguish  of  months  grow 
ing  into  years,  and  yet  bringing  to  view  no  happy 
issue  out  of  calamity,  was  alone  able  to  wring  such 
language  from  the  most  steadfast  soldier  of  the 
Revolution. 

To  so  ill  a  pass  had  the  national  affairs  come,  that 
it  seemed  indeed  questionable  whether  the  United 
States  really  existed  as  a  substantial  entity.  Even 
the  cohesive  influence  of  a  struggle  for  life  proved 
feeble  as  an  antagonistic  force  to  encounter  the  disin 
tegrating  influences ;  and  before  the  war  was  fairly 
over  or  independence  had  been  surely  achieved,  the 
bond  of  political  union  had  been  reduced  to  nearly 
the  last  degree  of  tenuity  consistent  with  so  much  as 
the  semblance  of  actual  existence.  The  adoption  of 
the  new  Articles  of  Confederation,  tardy  as  it  was, 
came  yet  all  too  early  for  the  welfare  of  the  tottering 
nationality.  By  denning  the  powers  and  functions 
of  Congress,  previously  vague  and  therefore  by  pos 
sibility  at  least  extensive,  it  seriously  restricted  and 
in  some  measure  even  altogether  annihilated  the  pre- 
existent  authority  of  that  body.  Thus  was  taken 
another  long  and  mischievous  stride  upon  the  down 
ward  path  along  which  the  States  were  already 
travelling  at  hazardous  speed.  Nearly  every  one  in 
foreign  parts,  and  not  a  few  despairing  observers  at 
home,  gazed  in  almost  momentary  expectation  of 


80  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

beholding  a  catastrophe  which  should  scatter  the 
allied  States  in  utter  and  irretrievable  separation. 

But  the  grief  which  this  anticipation  of  ruin 
brought  to  the  breast  of  an  American  patriot  was 
far  from  being  kindled  in  any  great  number  of  Euro 
pean  hearts.  Many  individual  friends  the  new  na 
tion  certainly  had  in  Europe  ;  yet  it  was  able,  by  the 
close  of  the  war,  to  count  upon  no  single  foreign  gov 
ernment  as  its  warm  and  sincere  well-wisher.  There 
were  enough  of  scarcely  disguised  foes  who  mali 
ciously  sought  to  quicken  and  perpetuate  the  prog 
ress  of  national  disintegration  ;  who  said  that  to  talk 
of  treating  with  so  powerless  a  shadow,  so  empty  a 
name,  as  the  United  States  of  America,  was  simply 
preposterous ;  that  there  were  thirteen  sovereignties 
independent  of  each  other,  competent  to  treat  sin 
gly,  to  enter  into  widely  differing  compacts,  to  send 
each  for  itself  its  individual  minister  to  foreign 
courts.  Even  the  Count  de  Vergennes  made  sugges 
tions  of  this  nature  to  Mr.  Adams.  Nor  could  the 
sneering  arguments  advanced  by  these  men  be  alto 
gether  controverted.  Unfortunately,  too,  such  argu 
ments  were  addressed  to  ears  by  no  means  reluctant 
to  receive  and  give  credit  to  them.  If  any  doubt 
could  ever  have  been  entertained  of  these  statements 
concerning  the  open  or  disguised  sentiments  of  Euro 
pean  governments  towards  the  United  States,  it  must 
have  been  completely  dissipated  by  the  researches 
made  by  historians  of  late  years. 

It  may  be  useful  to  take  a  cursory  glance  at 
the  condition  of  our  foreign  relations,  in  the  year 
1782,  and  thereabout.  England  of  course  was  our 
professed  foe.  The  mere  proposition  to  make  peace 


THE  CONGRESS   OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.        81 

on  the  ground  of  our  independence  was  unwelcome 
enough  to  the  government,  and  unpopular  enough 
with  the  people.  A  long  time  had  elapsed  and  no 
small  degree  of  firmness  had  been  manifested  by 
the  American  ambassadors,  before  so  much  as  a 
frank  and  distinct  recognition  of  the  fact  of  inde 
pendence  could  be  forced  from  the  British.  More 
than  we  had  wrested  from  them  by  sheer  might  of 
arms  and  could  retain  by  diplomacy  at  once  most 
cautious  and  most  obstinate,  it  was  idle  if  not 
properly  unreasonable  to  look  for. 

Spain  had  been  nominally  our  friend  and  ally,  but 
by  the  winter  of  1782-3  the  friendship  and  alliance, 
never  very  ardent  or  close,  had  come  to  exist  in  little 
more  than  in  name.  Misunderstandings  threatening 
to  have  the  most  grave  and  even  warlike  results  had 
arisen  concerning  boundaries,  and  more  especially 
concerning  the  right  of  the  people  of  the  States  to 
navigate  the  lower  Mississippi  to  and  from  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  From  lukewarm  friendship  the  Spanish 
court  was  rapidly  lapsing,  through  discourtesy  and 
arrogance,  into  an  attitude  of  positive  hostility.  A 
symptom  of  their  feeling  may  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  neither  when  Pensacola  capitulated,  nor  when 
the  Bahama  Islands  surrendered  to  the  Spanish 
forces,  was  any  stipulation  inserted  or  demanded  as 
to  the  subsequent  employment  of  the  evacuating 
British  forces ;  but  these  troops  were  left  free  to 
serve  against  the  United  States,  and  actually  did 
come  direct  from  the  southern  fighting  grounds  to 
augment  the  troops  in  garrison  at  New  York  and 
elsewhere.  Other  insolent  conduct  both  commercial 
and  military,  interferences  with  trade  and  irruptions 

VOL.    I.  6 


82  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

into  territory  claimed  by  the  United  States,  mani 
fested  the  indifference  if  not  the  animosity  of  Spain, 
and  of  course  created  and  fostered  a  corresponding 
feeling  of  indignation  against  so  faithless  an  ally. 
She  could  be  reckoned  for  little,  if  not  rather  as 
really  a  negative  quantity,  in  any  estimate  of  national 
resources. 

France  was  governed  by  the  artful  schemes  of  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  an  able  diplomatist,  but  trained 
in  the  old,  bad,  false  school,  an  adept  in  Machiavel- 
ian  subtleties  and  double  dealing,  and  graspingly 
devoted  to  French  interests  and  French  aggrandize 
ment.  Under  such  imperfectly  honest  influences  she 
could  no  longer  be  safely  considered  or  treated  as  an 
open  and  ingenuous  friend,  no  longer  relied  upon 
as  a  permanent  and  thorough-going  ally.  On  the 
contrary  it  must  be  acknowledged,  however  reluc 
tantly,  that  she  was  in  fact,  during  the  summer  and 
winter  through  which  negotiations  between  the  vari 
ous  warring  powers  were  protracted,  secretly  exert 
ing  the  utmost  skill  of  which  her  astute  statesmen 
were  capable,  to  mould  the  destinies  of  her  thirteen- 
fold  ally  to  fit  her  own  uses  and  to  fill  out  her  own 
needs.  Little  by  little  as  the  years  have  gone  by 
and  have  caused  new  documents  to  be  brought  to 
light,  new  comparisons  to  be  made,  and  a  wide  and 
connected  knowledge  to  be  acquired,  the  historians 
studying  those  days  have  been  enabled  to  trace  with 
much  accuracy  the  tortuous,  obscure,  and  insincere 
policy  of  Monsieur  de  Vergennes.  At  the  time  it 
was  not  unsuspected  by  those  who  were  brought 
into  near  connection  with  it,  but  even  by  them  it 
was  not  and  could  not  be  fully  understood,  nor  was 


THE  CONGRESS   OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.        83 

it  possible  for  them  to  express  openly  such  doubts  as 
they  might  inwardly  entertain.  For  they  had  no 
proofs  to  adduce,  and  a  public  expression  of  distrust 
unsupported  by  evidence  would  have  raised  a  tem 
pest  of  indignation  and  derision.  Serenity  and  con 
fidence  were  to  be  maintained  upon  the  surface ; 
suspicion  and  watchfulness  were  restricted  to  lurk 
and  toil  darkly  and  constrainedly  beneath  the  appear 
ance  of  a  cordial  good  understanding.  The  anxiety 
superinduced  by  this  condition  of  things  was  not  the 
least  annoying  difficulty  with  which  the  statesmen 
of  the  confederation  were  obliged  to  contend.  It 
required  no  small  amount  of  nerve  for  the  American 
commissioners,  in  direct  contravention  of  their  in 
structions  from  Congress,  to  treat  privately  with  the 
British  negotiators  and  to  agree  upon  articles  of 
peace  without  the  privity  of  the  French  Minister, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  had  been  most  carefully 
ordered  to  consult  with  him  and  even  to  be  guided 
by  him  throughout.  They  did  this ;  but  it  was  in 
good  truth  a  most  bold  step,  not  wholly  devoid  even 
of  public  risk,  and  for  themselves  personally  full  of 
very  great  and  obvious  danger.  It  was  the  good 
genius  of  their  country  which  gave  them  courage  in 
those  days  of  great  jeopardy,  as  all  readers  of  history 
now  know  full  well,  though  many  prominent  men  in 
the  States  then  believed  otherwise.  Altogether  these 
wretchedly  selfish  French  intrigues  constituted  a  se 
ries  of  very  peculiar  and  trying  and  wholly  unde 
served  complications  for  us  in  times  quite  abundantly 
crowded  with  other  embarrassments.  In  enduring 
them  we  established  a  good  set-off  to  meet  no  incon 
siderable  instalment  of  that  debt  of  gratitude  due 


84:  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

from  us  to  France,  and  of  which  even  after  magnifying 
it  to  the  utmost  we  were  destined  to  hear  a  vast  deal 
too  much. 

To  a  certain  extent  Holland  stood  our  friend. 
The  attraction  of  a  common  enmity  was  furnished 
by  her  own  difficulties  with  England,  by  which  power 
war  had  been  declared  against  her  in  December, 
1780;  her  possessions  in  the  West  Indies  had  been 
seized,  and  her  rich  fleets  of  merchantmen  in  those 
seas  captured,  and  with  their  costly  cargoes  sold  at 
a  public  international  auction.  From  the  coffers  of 
the  Dutch  money-lenders,  which  even  in  that  day 
were  open  to  pretty  much  every  needy  borrower  the 
world  over,  at  satisfactory  rates  of  interest  and  upon 
liberal  scales  of  discount,  we  succeeded  occasionally 
in  extracting  supplies  somewhat  meagre  and  very 
well  paid  for,  it  is  true,  yet  most  welcome.  Just  as 
negotiations  with  England  were  fairly  initiated,  John 
Adams  succeeded  in  arranging  a  commercial  treaty 
at  the  Hague,  which  was  a  gratifying  achievement. 
But  in  her  national  character  Holland  was  not,  nor 
could  she  have  been,  even  with  the  best  inclinations 
upon  her  part,  a  substantially  powerful  or  active 
friend.  For  the  rest,  the  other  peoples  of  Europe 
were  content  to  look  on,  so  far  as  they  were  at  the 
trouble  of  even  so  much  as  looking,  with  a  tranquil 
indifference  seldom  dashed  with  the  curiosity  worthy 
of  intelligent  observers. 

Our  representatives  abroad — able,  honorable,  and 
high-spirited  men — would  have  had  more  than  enough 
to  cope  with  had  they  encountered  only  the  open 
hostility  of  an  avowed  enemy,  the  coldness  of  a  dubi 
ous  and  failing  friend,  the  intrigues  of  a  professed 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    85 

ally,  and,  beyond  this,  utter  neglect.  Diplomacy  was 
an  art  which  before  that  time  had  very  naturally 
not  been  much  studied  in  America,  and  amid  sur 
roundings  of  unusual  complication  and  difficulty 
men  untrained  in  such  affairs,  and  driven  to  rely  only 
on  their  own  native  shrewdness  and  common  sense, 
may  be  excused  if  they  felt  anxious  and  troubled. 

But  there  was  another  element  to  harass  them,  in 
some  respects  more  trying  than  any  of  those  already 
mentioned.  They  were  compelled  to  subdue  their 
pride  upon  a  point  on  which  men  of  independent 
temper  are  wont  to  be  even  exceptionally  sensitive, 
and  on  behalf  of  their  country  to  do  what  for  them 
selves  they  never  could  have  done  while  life  remained 
to  them.  John  Adams  in  Holland,  Benjamin  Frank 
lin  in  France,  and  John  Jay  in  Spain,  the  envoys 
of  the  States,  were  by  virtue  of  their  offices  mendi 
cants.  Not  only  were  they  obliged  to  beg  in  a  man 
ner  wholly  unlike  that  in*  which  a  country  in  good 
credit  and  in  due  course  of  business  solicits  loans 
on  the  exchange  or  bourse  of  another  nation,  but 
they  were  obliged  to  carry  their  unwelcome  importu 
nities  to  the  doors  of  most  reluctant  lenders.  It  was 
their  part  to  implore  for  money,  to  take  no  denial,  to 
return  again  after  repeated  refusals,  to  reiterate  the 
ceaseless  wail  of  poverty.  The  security  which  they 
had  to  offer  was  contemned,  the  credit  of  their  coun 
try  was  flouted.  Discounts  and  rates  of  interest  for 
even  small  sums  were  insisted  upon,  such  as  might 
have  seemed  harsh  in  the  negotiation  of  a  Turkish  or 
even  a  Persian  loan.  Yet  still  the  drafts  upon  them 
were  sent  over  from  America,  still  they  continued  to 
accept  them  without  the  means  of  payment,  and  still 


86  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

they  continued  to  sue  for  pecuniary  assistance  as  the 
day  of  maturity  approached.  Incredible  as  it  may 
seem,  it  was  the  established  custom  of  the  national 
superintendent  of  finance  to  draw  upon  the  minis 
ters  resident  abroad,  and  to  sell  such  drafts  in  order 
to  raise  money  for  his  immediate  needs ;  and  this 
he  systematically  did  when  he  had  no  reason  to  ex 
pect  that  these  unfortunate  drawees  could  have  any 
possible  means  of  meeting  the  payments  save  by  even 
abject  supplications  dinned  into  the  tired  ears  of  'for 
eign  ministers,  to  save  them  from  such  public  disgrace 
and  ruin  as  must  result  from  actual  non-payment 
and  protest  by  the  notaries.  The  lot  of  Mr.  Jay,  in 
this  respect,  was  hard  even  beyond  that  of  his  col 
leagues,  and  the  sketch  of  his  financial  miseries  can 
not  be  read  even  to-day  without  a  hot  flush  of  shame. 
How  he  endured  it  is  a  marvel. 

The  finances  of  the  country  were  indeed  in  a  state 
as  pitiful  as  could  easily  be  conceived.  That  there 
could  be  lower  depths  to  which  they  might  sink 
seemed  impossible.  The  very  last  dollars  seemed  to 
have  been  taken  by  the  last  hard  squeezes  out  of  for 
eign  lenders ;  and  the  resources  of  the  country  itself 
appeared  to  be  hermetically  sealed,  if  indeed  they 
were  not  in  fact  really  exhausted.  The  paper  money 
of  the  Confederation  had  lost  even  its  nominal  value. 
In  1781  about  one  hundred  and  twelve  millions  of 
the  old  legal  tender  issue  were  outstanding.  Two 
hundred  millions  had  been  issued  ;  but  about  eighty- 
eight  millions  had  been  taken  in  by  the  States  in 
payment  of  taxes,  at  the  rate  of  forty  dollars  for  one, 
and  cancelled.  Congress  made  a  desperate  effort  to 
call  in  the  remainder  of  this  stuff  by  offering  to  give 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    87 

in  exchange  for  it  the  bills  of  a  new  issue,  —  the 
"new  tenor,"  as  it  was  called.  The  exchange  was 
to  be  made  at  the  rate  of  seventy-five  for  one.  But 
as  soon  as  a  few  of  the  *'  new  tenor  "  bills  got  abroad 
among  the  people  they  began  rapidly  to  follow  the 
course  of  the  old  tenor.  They  depreciated  with  such 
alarming  rapidity  that  the  uselessness  of  the  scheme 
was  seen  and  the  issue  was  stopped.  Then  Mr.  Mor 
ris  stipulated,  as  an  express  condition  of  his  taking 
the  office  of  Superintendent  of  Finance,  that  he  should 
be  obliged  to  have  no  transactions  in  this  dishonored 
currency.  Such  action  on  the  part  of  government 
was  substantially  repudiation.  Down  sank  the  poor 
paper  dollars,  till  five  hundred  of  them  and  then  a 
thousand  of  them  were  passed  for  one  dollar  of  gold 
or  silver  money;  nor  could  this  ridiculous  rate  be 
maintained  long.  When  a  dollar  in  paper  had  be 
come  the  equivalent  of  a  mill  in  coin,  the  value 
of  that  dollar  was  obviously  altogether  imaginary. 
From  taking  a  thousand  dollars  in  bills  for  one  dollar 
in  hard  money  the  step  was  but  a  short  and  rapid 
one  to  refusing  to  take  the  bills  at  all ;  and  by  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1782  they  had  substantially 
ceased  to  circulate.  About  this  time  it  was  that 
there  came  into  vogue  a  slang  phrase,  expressive 
enough  then  and  still  heard  in  our  own  days,  though 
now  probably  in  most  mouths  stripped  of  the  histori 
cal  associations  which  surrounded  its  birth.  The 
Yankee  mind,  not  deficient  in  powerful  or  figurative 
forms  of  expression,  could  find  no  more  emphatic 
way  of  describing  the  utter  worthlessness  of  any 
thing  than  by  saying  that  it  was  "  not  worth  a  Conti 
nental." 


88  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

In  1781  our  foreign  indebtedness  amounted  to 
between  five  and  six  millions  of  dollars,  to  increase 
which  the  most  assiduous  efforts  were  not  spared. 
With  such  success  had  these  efforts  been  attended, 
that  at  the  close  of  the  war  this  had  increased  to  ten 
millions.  It  was  the  belief  abroad  and  the  intention 
at  home,  that  if  the  United  States  should  ever  pay 
any  thing  they  would  pay  this.  Yet  inasmuch  as  it 
was  far  from  certain  that  the  United  States  ever  would 
pay  any  thing,  the  European  usurers  felt  a  not  un 
natural  anxiety  as  to  the  safety  of  their  trans-atlantic 
investments.  The  trouble  was  that  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States  was  unable  to  pledge  any  specific 
revenues  to  the  discharge  of  either  principal  or 
interest,  for  the  reason  that  no  power  of  taxation 
resided  in  that  body.  Duties  on  imports  were  not 
only  unpopular,  —  being  regarded  as  unequal  and 
anti-republican,  and  as  lodging  too  much  power  in 
the  government,  —  but  even  so  far  as  they  might  have 
been  endured  they  could  be  laid  and  collected  only 
by  the  State  governments.  The  United  States  had 
no  independent  or  sure  source  of  permanent  income 
whatsoever ;  and  the  most  urgent  solicitations  to 
the  individual  States  had  thus  far  failed  to  induce 
them  to  establish  any  permanent  funds. 

In  1781  the  domestic  indebtedness  was  between 
five  and  six  times  as  great  as  the  foreign,  estimated 
of  course  on  a  gold  basis,  and  rejecting  altogether 
the  abandoned  and  disowned  issues  of  paper  money. 
At  the  close  of  the  war  the  national  debt  was  about 
thirty-five  millions  of  dollars ;  and  the  aggregate  of 
the  State  debts  was  twenty-five  or  twenty-six  millions 
more.  The  States  individually  were  a  little  but 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    89 

only  a  little  better  off  than  the  Confederation.  They 
owed  it  is  true  the  large  sums  just  mentioned,  sums 
larger  than  it  might  prove  that  they  would  ultimately 
be  able  or  willing  to  pay.  They  also  were  struggling 
with  meagre  success  to  keep  afloat,  at  some  sort  of 
value,  their  respective  issues  of  State  paper  currency. 
Their  success  in  this  respect  was  various.  Many  of 
them  had  manufactured  this  fictitious  money  with 
utter  recklessness  of  consequences,  as  if  no  day  of 
payment  were  ever  to  come.  Virginia,  for  example, 
had  turned  out  bills  in  such  lavish  abundance  that 
she  was  finally  able  to  redeem  them  only  in  land 
warrants,  or  at  the  rate  of  one  thousand  for  one  in 
real  money.  Some  States,  among  them  Massachu 
setts  and  Pennsylvania,  succeeded  in  taking  in  their 
bills  by  funding  them  at  their  nominal  value.  In 
other  States  a  partial  redemption  was  effected  by  the 
aid  of  land  warrants.  But  much  State  paper  was 
never  redeemed  at  all.  In  carrying  out  these  various 
processes  however,  the  States  were  better  off  than 
the  Confederation  in  one  essential  respect ;  for  they 
held  the  purse-strings,  in  the  shape  of  the  power  of 
taxation  ;  and  so  long  as  any  money  at  all  remained 
in  the  farthest  corners  of  the  purse,  they  could  if 
they  chose  both  practically  and  legally  appropriate 
the  whole  of  it,  leaving  all  national  considerations 
out  of  the  question.  It  is  true  that  such  an  act 
would  not  be  very  wise,  or  very  high-minded.  Yet 
it  was  possible,  and  one  State  was  found  willing  to 
threaten  it.  The  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  memori 
alized  Congress,  reproaching  that  body  for  its  neglect 
in  liquidating  the  domestic  debt  and  in  failing  to  pro 
vide  for  its  payment,  and  declaring  their  purpose  of 


90  LIEE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

applying  the  sums  raised  in  the  State  upon  account  of 
federal  taxes  to  the  payment  of  the  claims  of  resident 
federal  creditors.  Yet  this  action  proved  salutary  in 
urging  Congress  to  more  prompt  exertions  than  had 
previously  been  made,  and  the  Pennsylvanians,  seeing 
these  earnest  efforts  actually  in  progress,  consented 
to  lay  aside  their  project. 

Yet  it  was  while  affairs  were  in  this  condition  that 
the  matter  of  an  independent  national  existence 
seemed  to  hang  suspended  upon  the  possibility  of 
raising  more  money.  There  were  men  enough  stand 
ing  ready  to  fight  out  the  war  of  independence  to 
the  end,  if  it  took  a  lifetime,  provided  only  that  they 
could  be  fed  and  clothed,  and  their  families  kept 
from  nakedness  and  starvation  while  they  marched 
and  fought.  Money  was  the  grand  need,  in  com 
parison  with  which  all  others  were  dwarfed  to  the 
petty  stature  of  mere  vexations.  At  the  time  when 
the  superintendent  of  finance  was  appointed,  Gouv- 
erneur  Morris,  himself  well  skilled  in  that  difficult 
pursuit,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jay  words  as  true  as  they  must 
have  seemed  ominous :  "  Finance,  my  friend  !  —  The 
whole  of  what  remains  of  the  American  Revolution 
grounds  there !  " 

Obviously  the  real  power  of  Congress  in  respect  to 
raising  funds  was  substantially  identical  with  that  of 
Owen  Glendower  concerning  the  raising  of  spirits  — 
it  could  call  for  them !  It  could  pass  votes  demand 
ing  any  sums  that  it  chose,  nor  was  it  matter  of  much 
moment  to  anybody  what  figures  should  be  inserted 
in  these  hollow  and  inefficient  fragments  of  legisla 
tion.  For  of  all  the  amounts  which  were  thus  voted, 
only  the  most  insignificant  percentage  ever  came  into 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    91 

the  public  treasury.  For  example,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  year  1782  the  national  vaults  were  literally 
empty,  —  there  was  not  a  dollar  in  them.  Congress 
had  called  for  two  millions  of  dollars,  all  of  which 
should  have  been  received  by  the  first  day  of  April ; 
yet  on  the  twenty-third  day  of  that  month  "  not  a 
cent  had  been  received."  By  the  first  day  of  June 
twenty  thousand  dollars  had  been  paid  in,  "  not 
much  more  than  was  required  for  the  use  of  one 
day."  By  August  the  total  aggregate  of  all  receipts 
under  this  requisition  had  risen  only  to  eighty 
thousand  dollars.  The  requisitions  for  the  whole 
year  amounted  to  eight  millions  of  dollars ;  the  re 
ceipts  on  account  of  these  demands  up  to  January, 
1783,  were  only  about  four  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  dollars.  Indeed,  it  seems  strange  that  amid 
the  general  contempt  manifested  towards  all  these 
enactments  any  persons  could  be  found  virtuous  to 
their  own  cost,  in  a  degree  so  infinitely  beyond  the 
standard  of  excellence  set  up  even  by  the  more 
respectable  members  of  the  communit}7,  as  to  pay 
any  attention  whatsoever  to  the  importunities  of  the 
tax-gatherer.  The  payment  of  taxes  had  come  to 
be  regarded  not  only  as  a  romantically  honorable 
act,  but  even  as  a  sort  of  amiable  but  Quixotic  mani 
festation  of  eccentricity.  Still  from  one  source  and 
another  very  tiny  rivulets  of  money  did  trickle  slowly 
into  the  great  thirsty  vaults  of  the  treasury  ;  hardly 
enough  to  do  much  good,  yet  just  sufficient  to  lure 
Congress  on  to  pass  more  votes  calling  for  this  indis 
pensable  sustenance  of  the  national  life. 

It  was  the  personal  exertions  and  character  of  Mr. 
Morris   as    Superintendent    of   Finance,    that    were 


92  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

mainly  instrumental  in  carrying  matters  along  from 
day  to  day  and  warding  off  the  occurrence  of  any 
ruinous  and  definitive  crash.  JIow  he  drew  drafts 
oil  our  ministers  abroad  has  already  been  told ;  be 
sides  this,  he  issued  treasury  notes  on  short  time  ; 
he  anticipated  the  taxes  ;  he  established  the  Bank  of 
North  America  for  the  express  purpose  of  borrowing 
money  from  it ;  and  resorted  to  a  thousand  devices 
which  his  fertile  mind,  driven  to  put  forth  its  utmost 
ingenuity,  succeeded  in  inventing.  He  was  held 
personally  in  high  respect  as  a  man  of  sterling  integ 
rity  and  inexhaustible  resources ;  and  this  general 
opinion  of  him,  certainly  well  deserved,  was  a  very 
great  aid  to  him  in  the  conduct  of  affairs.  But  even 
an  infinitude  of  expedients  must  have  failed  before  the 
host  of  demands  and  difficulties  which  beset  the  un 
fortunate  superintendent.  Probably  no  man  was 
ever  more  harassed.  Certainly  General  Washington, 
in  comparison  with  whose  towering  fame  Mr.  Morris's 
name  seems  almost  unknown,  had  no  greater  burden 
of  anxiety  or  responsibility  laid  upon  him  in  the  Jer 
sey  campaigns  and  the  winter  quarters  at  Valley 
Forge,  than  had  this  unfortunate  financier.  Mr. 
Morris  began  with  an  honest  hope  though  a  some 
what  dubious  expectation  of  achieving  a  moderate 
degree  of  success.  In  the  efforts  which  he  made  he 
saw  his  private  fortune  dissipated  like  a  morning 
mist,  and  soon  he  had  reason  to  dread  that  his  good 
name  might  share  the  same  untoward  fate.  For  to 
him  every  one  turned  and  upon  him  every  unpaid 
creditor  vented  his  wrath,  as  if  forsooth  it  was  his 
individual  fault  that  the  taxes  were  not  paid  and  the 
nation  was  unable  to  meet  its  bills.  Yet  he  was  one 


THE  CONGRESS   OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.        93 

of  the  foremost  patriots  of  the  Revolution  ;  all  that 
he  had  he  freely  put  at  the  service  of  his  country, 
not  only  his  time,  his  efforts,  and  his  reputation  did 
he  offer  to  her,  but  the  accumulations  of  his  private 
property.  Many  a  time  and  oft  did  he  draw  upon 
his  individual  resources  and  pledge  his  personal  credit 
to  raise  funds  to  feed  and  clothe  the  hungry  and  rag 
ged  troops  of  General  Washington,  when  the  people 
were  or  seemed  to  be  exhausted,  and  could  not 
or  would  not  furnish  even  meagre  and  temporary 
supplies. 

In  despair,  he  resolved  to  resign,  and  announced 
his  resolution  early  in  1783.  But  his  retirement,  as 
it  could  not  fail  to  aggravate  public  distrust  to  the 
measure  of  a  panic,  must  prove  most  disastrous, 
might  indeed  bring  on  the  last  fatal  catastrophe. 
He  was  besought  to  remain  by  a  committee  of  Con 
gress,  of  which  Hamilton  was  a  member,  specially 
deputed  to  confer  with  him.  He  assigned  as  his 
reason  "  the  continued  refusal  of  Congress  to  make 
an  effectual  provision  for  the  public  debts."  Finally, 
however,  he  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  importunity 
of  the  committee.  Congress  resolved  that  "  the  pub 
lic  service  required  his  continuance  "  in  office  until 
the  affairs  of  the  army  were  put  in  order.  But  ur 
gently  as  he  was  thus  pressed  to  remain,  his  incum 
bency  lasted  and  indeed  was  desired  only  a  short 
time  longer.  New  vexations  soon  came  from  the 
quarter  from  which  beyond  all  others  he  ought  now 
no  longer  to  have  experienced  them.  The  Congress 
which  he  had  made  his  debtor  in  gratitude  neglected 
his  reasonable  requests,  and  at  last  refused  so  much 
as  to  pass  votes  for  such  requisitions  as  were  ab- 


94  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

solutely  indispensable  to  meet  the  interest  on  the 
public  debt,  and  the  daily  current  expenses  of  the 
government.  Why  Congress  should  have  been  so 
obstinate  upon  this  point  it  is  not  easy  to  understand. 
In  the  first  place,  it  seems  unquestionable  that  they 
were  wrong,  and  that  the  money  should  have  been 
called  for  by  them  ;  but  beyond  this,  when  they 
were  so  well  aware  that  it  made  not  the  slightest 
difference  how  much  they  called  for,  it  is  not  easy 
to  see  why  they  wished  to  cavil  as  to  whether  they 
should  name  a  somewhat  larger  or  somewhat  smaller 
sum.  Nevertheless  they  did  thus  cavil.  The  har- 
mouy  previously  subsisting  between  them  and  Mr. 
Morris  was  destroyed,  and  finally,  early  in  1784,  he 
retired.  The  office  of  Superintendent  of  Finance 
was  abolished,  and  its  functions  were  allotted  to  a 
Board  of  Treasury  which  was  now  established.  But 
the  national  finances  were  far  beyond  the  help  of  any 
superintendent  or  of  any  board,  however  organized 
or  however  harmonious  with  Congress. 

The  truth  was,  there  was  no  longer  much  if  any 
thing  that  it  was  possible  to  do.  How  hard  the  mass 
of  the  people  tried,  how  willing  they  were,  to  pay 
enough  taxes  to  approximate  at  all  nearly  to  the  pub 
lic  necessities  must  now  be  matter  of  theoretical 
speculation  based  upon  a  very  insufficient  knowledge 
of  the  data  requisite  for  obtaining  an  accurate  result. 
Some  of  them  must  have  been  willing  to  do,  and  in 
spite  of  the  general  demoralization  must  have  hon 
estly  done,  at  least  all  that  they  were  able  even  if  not 
all  that  they  were  asked ;  some  who  were  unwill 
ing  must  have  been  compelled,  otherwise  even  the 
scanty  funds  which  were  raised  could  never  have 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   95 

been  collected.  But  it  must  be  confessed  that  it  is 
impossible  to  read  the  annals  of  the  times  without 
being  forced  to  the  conclusion,  that  long  before  the 
lingering  struggle  was  over  the  reluctance  to  pay 
had  become  even  much  more  widespread  than  the 
disability ;  and  that  the  people  as  a  whole  fell  very 
far  short  of  doing  all  which  they  might  have  done. 
Yet  upon  the  other  hand  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
the  country  was  really  thoroughly  bankrupt ;  that  it 
was  utterly  unable  to  bear  the  expenses  of  so  pro 
tracted  a  war,  and  that  the  best  efforts  which  were 
possible  could  never  have  resulted  in  the  discharge 
or  redemption  of  the  entire  indebtedness.  The  peo 
ple  really  had  not  the  money.  Mr.  Hildreth,  in  his 
history  of  the  United  States,  puts  the  "  pecuniary 
cost"  of  the  war  at  the  sum  of  one  hundred  and 
seventy  millions  of  dollars,  which  in  those  times  and 
for  so  young  a  country  was  a  vast  figure.  The 
amount  raised  by  the  States,  "  whether  through  the 
medium  of  repudiated  paper  or  taxes,"  he  says  that 
it  is  "  impossible  to  ascertain  with  precision ; "  but 
he  considers  that  "  it  probably  did  not  exceed  thirty 
millions  of  dollars." 

There  was  little  or  no  accumulated  capital  in  the 
colonies  at  the  beginning  of  the  contest.  And  the 
history  of  the  United  States  of  late  years,  since  it 
has  become  so  rich  and  powerful,  shows  plainly 
enough  that  the  Revolutionary  generation,  with  no 
money  laid  by,  with  no  mines  or  manufactures,  and 
with  their  commerce  mutilated  almost  to  the  point 
of  destruction,  could  not  have  defrayed  the  expenses 
of  seven  years  of  warfare.  To  plunge  into  debt  to 
the  utmost  degree  possible,  to  issue  paper  money  in 


96  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

such  quantities  that  the  idea  of  redemption  became 
ridiculous,  was  after  all  inevitable.  The  abandon 
ment  and  dishonor  of  the  currency  may  be  forgiven  ; 
for  herein  the  people  were  their  own  creditors.  But 
the  other  indebtedness  stood  on  a  different  footing. 

Congress  itself  was  surely  and  not  very  slowly  fad 
ing  into  the  mere  shadow  of  a  name ;  nor  did  it  seem 
certain  that  even  a  shadow  would  long  be  left  so  much 
as  to  bear  the  name.  Intelligent  and  active  men  did 
not  fancy  leaving  their  homes  and  their  private  busi 
ness  only  to  talk  together,  and  to  pass  votes  and  reso 
lutions  which,  except  in  being  duly  recorded,  bore 
scarcely  any  resemblance  to  effective  laws  and  stat 
utes.  Congress  might  ratify  a  treaty  ;  but  the  States 
severally  felt  themselves  quite  at  liberty  to  disregard 
and  even  practically  to  annul  any  of  its  provisions 
wrhich  might  seem  inconvenient  or  distasteful  to 
them.  Noteworthy  proof  of  this  was  furnished  by 
the  occurrences  connected  with  the  treaty  of  peace, 
which  treaty,  if  any,  Congress  must  have  authority 
to  conclude  and  make  binding.  Yet  the  thirteen 
sovereign  nationalities,  —  for  such  a  character  they 
in  fact  assumed  to  themselves,  —  submitted  to  be 
bound  by  this  solemn  contract  only  so  far  as  it 
pleased  them  respectively.  Each  independent  State 
disregarded  such  part  of  the  treaty  as  it  saw  fit. 

If  Congress  was  thus  impotent  to  carry  into  effect 
the  treaty  of  peace,  concerning  which  its  authority 
and  jurisdiction  might  have  been  considered  to  be 
practically  if  not  technically  in  some  degree  excep 
tional  and  special,  it  is  obvious  how  entirely  power 
less  it  was  to  negotiate  commercial  treaties ;  for  it 
was  confessedly  wholly  devoid  of  any  manner  of 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    97 

authority,  express  or  implied,  in  respect  of  imposts 
and  customs-duties.  These  lay  wholly  within  the 
control  of  the  respective  State  Legislatures,  and  had 
thus  far  been  managed  in  the  most  narrow,  selfish, 
and  unaccommodating  spirit  possible  ;  nor  were  there 
any  symptoms  of  a  reaction  in  this  jealous  feeling. 
Yet  commercial  treaties  seemed  so  indispensable  to 
any  tolerable  degree  of  national  prosperity,  that  ef 
forts  were  made  to  arrange  them  in  spite  of  the 
essential  futility  which  it  was  seen  from  the  outset 
must  inhere  in  them.  After  the  most  painful  hag 
gling  and  the  most  solemn  execution,  they  were 
likely  only  to  prove  additional  monuments  of  the 
national  ineptitude.  Nevertheless,  there  was  estab 
lished  abroad  a  board  of  commissioners  ostensibly 
empowered  to  conduct  negotiations  of  this  sort,  and 
inviting  European  powers  to  confer  with  them  for 
this  purpose.  The  little  flourish,  however,  which 
attended  this  inauguration  of  the  scheme  could  not 
deceive'  foreign  statesmen.  The  commissioners  ac 
complished  nothing  beyond  a  treaty  with  Prussia. 

If  Congress  could  not  assess  taxes,  could  not  col 
lect  money,  could  not  provide  for  the  national  ex 
penses  or  for  so  much  as  the  interest  on  the  national 
debt,  could  not  enforce  the  stipulations  of  treaties, 
could  not  establish  a  revenue  system,  —  the  question 
naturally  arises,  What  could  it  do?  To  which  it 
must  frankly  be  replied  that  it  could  do  substantially 
nothing,  —  at  least  nothing  but  deliberate,  vote,  re 
solve,  remonstrate,  recommend,  supplicate.  These 
privileges  it  could  exercise  freely  if  it  were  so 
minded  ;  and,  for  want  of  any  better  occupation,  it 
often  did  exercise  them.  So  long  as  there  was  an 

VOL.    I.  7 


98  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

army  indeed,  Congress  did  make  shift  to  display 
some  authority  in  respect  of  it  ;  yet  these  displays 
were  mostly  confined  to  the  all-important  subject  of 
pay  and  supplies,  and  so  fell  within  the  department 
of  finance.  But  erelong  there  ceased  to  be  any 
army.  When  there  was  no  war,  there  seemed  to 
be  no  need  for  soldiers.  A  desperate  effort  was 
made  to  retain  a  small  body  of  Continental  troops 
in  the  employ  of  Congress  for  the  purpose  of  garri 
soning  the  frontier  posts,  —  should  these  ever  be 
obtained  from  England.  It  was  of  doubtful  wisdom 
for  the  Confederation  to  leave  this  duty  to  be  per 
formed  by  the  individual  States  within  whose  limits 
the  posts  might  respectively  be  situated  ;  neither  did 
it  seem  right  to  impose  such  a  burden  upon  any 
State  for  the  general  benefit.  Yet  so  excessive  was 
the  jealousy  of  these  independent  bodies,  that  each 
one  was  resolved  to  permit  no  national  troops  to  be 
stationed  permanently  upon  its  territory.  Harangues 
about  standing  armies,  conceived  in  the  wonted  sen 
sational  vein  of  such  speeches,  stirred  the  State  Leg 
islatures  to  a  high  degree  of  fear  and  wrath.  The 
helpless  Congress  succumbed  ;  and  the  standing  army 
of  the  United  States  was  reduced  to  a  force  of  eighty 
men! — the  largest  peace  establishment  which  our 
forefathers  could  tolerate  without  fear  for  their  liber 
ties.  Twenty-five  of  these  dreadful  mercenaries 
guarded  the  national  stores  at  Pittsburg ;  fifty-five 
were  on  duty  at  West  Point.  The  highest  military 
officer  in  the  employ  of  the  Confederation  was  a 
captain. 

This  cutting  down  of  the  military  establishment 
was  far  from  meeting  Hamilton's  approbation.     On 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.    99 

the  contrary  he  took  great  pains  to  bring  about  the 
adoption  of  a  very  different  plan.  He  drew  out  an 
elaborate  report  designed  to  show  the  constitution 
ality  arid  the  necessity  of  retaining  a  national  force. 
He  prepared  a  speech  in  support  of  the  measure, 
which  however  he  seems  never  to  have  delivered. 
By  his  scheme  he  proposed  to  keep  only  a  very 
moderate  number  of  men  upon  the  permanent  estab 
lishment,  but  he  skilfully  arranged  it  so  that  these 
few  should  furnish  a  nucleus  of  regular  soldiery 
and  trained  and  competent  officers.  The  small  force 
was  the  microcosm  of  a  complete  army.  Thus  mili 
tary  traditions  and  education  and  a  knowledge  of 
the  science  of  arms  and  war  would  be  preserved, 
and  the  means  of  rapidly  disciplining  new  levies  in 
time  of  need  would  be  secured.  Each  branch  of  the 
service  existed  in  little,  and  would  need  only  to  be 
expanded,  not  to  be  originally  created,  in  the  event 
of  a  call  for  active  service.  Four  regiments  of 
infantry,  one  of  artillery,  the  skeleton  of  a  cavalry 
regiment,  a  corps  of  engineers,  and  a  regiment  of 
dragoons  were  what  he  contemplated.  The  engineer 
corps  was  to  be  so  constituted  as  to  take  the  place  of 
a  military  academy  until  such  time  as  such  an  insti 
tution  should  appear  necessary  and  feasible.  Ar 
senals  and  magazines  were  to  be  maintained  at 
Springfield  in  Massachusetts,  at  West  Point  in  New 
York,  on  the  James  River  in  Virginia,  and  at  Cam- 
den  in  South  Carolina.  One  general  officer  was  to 
command  the  troops  of  the  line  ;  another  was  to  be 
placed  over  the  engineers  and  artillery  ;  besides  these 
he  thought  it  necessary  to  have  only  an  inspector 
general,  and  of  course  the  usual  regimental  officers. 


100  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Washington  was  deeply  interested  in  this  measure  ; 
but  the  combined  influence  of  the  commarider-in- 
chief  and  the  member  of  Congress  proved  insufficient 
to  persuade  others  of  the  propriety  of  the  scheme. 
A  ragged  continental  soldier  was  as  complete  a  scare 
crow  as  he  looked!  The  most  down-trodden  man  in 
the  country,  he  was  also  the  most  feared. 

Neither  was  Hamilton  by  any  means  pleased  with 
the  notion  of  leaving  the  frontier  posts  to  be  garri 
soned  by  State  levies.  Washington  also  thought  very 
ill  of  the  plan,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Congress  pro 
posing  whenever  these  forts  should  be  surrendered 
by  the  British,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the 
treaty,  to  occupy  them  with  a  portion  of  the  troops 
under  his  command.  The  proposition  was  sent  to  a 
committee  whose  report  was  submitted  by  Hamilton. 
This  directed  Washington  to  hold  the  posts  with  so 
many  three-years  men  as  he  might  see  fit,  for  a  term 
not  exceeding  nine  months.  The  report  was  adopted 
by  a  vote  of  ten  States.  But  the  opinions  and  ac 
tions  of  Hamilton  in  this  matter  were  exceedingly 
distasteful  to  Governor  Clinton  and  his  friends,  then 
the  dominant  party  in  New  York.  It  was  not  until 
after  Hamilton  had  left  Congress,  that  the  governor 
in  a  letter  to  that  body  gave  full  expression  to  his 
sentiments.  But  though  no  longer  officially  involved 
in  the  discussion,  Hamilton  was  unwilling  to  suppress 
his  views,  or  to  sit  silently  by  while  measures  which 
he  had  carried  and  which  he  believed  to  be  important 
and  salutary  were  being  assailed  or  undone.  He 
replied  to  the  arguments  of  Clinton  in  a  document  of 
great  length.  For  New  York  especially  he  was  at 
the  pains  to  show  that  national  garrisons  were  a 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   101 

most  wise  and  desirable  arrangement.  All  along*  its 
Canadian  frontier  the  State  was  exposed  td  a^^a-^s- 
sions ;  the  North  River  seemed  to  invite  attack  both 
by  sea  and  by  land  ;  the  British  had  sailed  up  and 
down  it,  and  had  harassed  the  inland  portions  of  the 
State,  besides  holding  possession  of  the  harbor  and 
city  of  New  York.  The  State  was  "  in  all  respects 
critically  situated.  Its  relative  position,  shape,  and 
intersections,  viewed  on  the  map,  strongly  speak  this 
language  :  4  Strengthen  the  Confederation ;  give  it 
exclusively  the  power  of  the  sword ;  let  each  State 
have  no  forces  but  its  militia.'  r  The  military  history 
of  the  Revolution  proved  the  soundness  of  these  doc 
trines  ;  yet  the  politicians  of  the  State  could  not  be 
brought  to  believe  in  them.  They  preferred  to  ac 
cept  the  onerous  and  expensive  task  of  self-defence, 
rather  than  to  have  continental  garrisons  holding 
posts  within  the  borders  of  the  State. 

At  what  a  low  ebb  Congress  stood  in  actual  power 
has  been  shown,  and  it  may  be  thence  inferred  how  low, 
by  a  necessary  consequence,  it  soon  must  stand  in  the 
popular  estimation.  Decadence  in  efficiency  and  in 
reputation  naturally  brought  in  their  train  decadence 
also  in  character  and  intrinsic  merit.  The  old,  famil 
iar  sins  of  dilatoriness  and  non-attendance  increased 
to  an  alarming  extent.  Long  after  the  day  named 
for  the  commencement  of  a  session  no  quorum  would  be 
present,  until  at  times  it  seemed  that  the  Confedera 
tion  was  to  perish  of  an  atrophy,  and  the  government 
was  to  become  simply  non-existent.  The  delegations 
from  sundry  States  often  failed  altogether  to  attend, 
—  a  fact  strikingly  indicative  of  the  value  placed  by 
the  inhabitants  of  such  unrepresented  States  upon 


102  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

the  legislation  of  the  congressional  body.  Even  so 
all-important  a  matter  as  the  ratification  of  the  defini 
tive  treaty  with  Great  Britain  was  powerless  to  break 
the  continuance  of  this  apathy.  A  special  summons, 
or  rather  appeal,  was  issued ;  and  even  then,  though 
it  was  necessary  that  only  nine  out  of  the  thirteen 
States  should  be  represented,  many  long  and  weary 
days  passed  before  this  number  was  reached.  First- 
rate  men  were  with  difficulty  prevailed  upon  to  allow 
themselves  to  be  chosen  members  of  such  a  body. 
There  was  little  to  tempt  them,  —  no  glory,  and  but 
slender  prospects  of  usefulness.  For  what  advantage 
could  the  most  patriotic  legislator  conceive  as  a  pos 
sible  result  of  his  moving  or  voting  for  measures 
which  would  never  be  voluntarily  carried  into  effect, 
and  which  could  not  be  enforced  ?  Such  occupation 
was  as  idle  and  as  inglorious  as  the  sport  of  boys 
playing  at  government.  Accordingly,  when  Hamil 
ton  was  chosen  to  go  to  Congress,  it  happened  that 
there  was  in  that  body  only  one  man  really  of  the 
first  class  in  ability  and  character,  and  but  very  few 
even  of  the  second  class.  That  one  man  —  the  bril 
liant  exception  —  was  Madison  ;  among  the  abler  of 
his  co-members  were  Wilson,  Elsworth,  Rutledge, 
Clymer,  Bland,  and  the  venerable  Witherspoon. 

To  one  inclined  to  the  sentimental  mood,  or  prone 
to  moralize,  this  entry  of  Hamilton  upon  his  congres 
sional  career  is  a  pregnant  subject.  A  stupendous 
task  lay  before  any  man  endowed  with  the  intellect 
to  comprehend  and  the  courage  to  undertake  it,  —  no 
less  than  to  infuse  life  into  the  dying  frame  of  the 
Union.  The  sketch  of  public  affairs  contained  in  the 
few  preceding  pages  may  have  shadowed  forth  im- 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   103 

perfectly  the  vastness  of  this  task,  —  a  vastness  which, 
as  it  proved,  passed  within  the  confines  of  impossi 
bility.  Hamilton  came  to  the  work  with  a  clearer 
insight  than  was  given  to  most  of  his  co-laborers,  and 
with  a  more  resolute  spirit  and  more  sanguine  temper 
than  belonged  to  any  of  them.  The  great  cause  of 
a  national  existence  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  perish 
without  vigorous  efforts  at  counteraction  at  least  upon 
his  part.  The  story  of  his  efforts  must,  as  is  well 
known,  be  only  the  story  of  failure ;  but  this  does 
not  derogate  from  the  honor  justly  due  to  his  mind 
and  his  character.  He  had  been,  as  he  wrote  to  La 
fayette,  for  the  last  ten  months  employed  in  rocking 
the  cradle  and  studying  the  art  of  fleecing  his  neigh 
bors.  He  had  become  a  "  grave  counsellor  at  law." 
Nevertheless,  he  was  "going  to  throw  away  a  few 
months  more  in  public  life,"  and  then  retire,  —  a 
"  simple  citizen  and  good  pater-familias."  Certainly 
a  selfish  view  of  his  own  interests  would  have  bidden 
him  to  stick  fast  to  his  business  as  a  "  grave  counsel 
lor,"  and  by  no  means  to  close  the  door  of  his  office 
for  the  purpose  of  crossing  the  threshold  of  Congress. 
In  the  practice  of  his  profession  there  was  money  to 
be  made  and  reputation  to  be  earned ;  the  public 
service  promised  neither  dollars  nor  distinction. 
Before  entering  upon  it,  while  laboring  diligentl}'  in 
it,  and  after  having  left  it,  it  must  have  seemed  most 
truly  a  "  throwing  aAvay  "  of  valuable  time.  But  it 
was  the  public  service.  He  had  great  ideas  in  his 
head  concerning  it,  and  his  spirit  would  not  let  him 
rest  in  peace  till  he  had  at  least  done  what  in  him 
lay  to  express  those  ideas,  to  embody  them  in  action, 
and  to  translate  them  into  facts.  Private  interests 


104  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

must  be  neglected  for  a  few  months,  that  the  people 
might  be  served. 

There  is  something  in  a  degree  melancholy,  yet 
most  noble,  in  this  picture  of  the  brave  young 
man  coming  to  the  rescue  in  this  hour  of  most 
miserable,  dispiriting  jeopardy.  All  around  him  nar 
rowness  of  view,  selfishness  of  purpose,  hostile  preju 
dice,  and  sectional  jealousy  were  bringing  the  small 
politicians  and  petty  leaders  of  the  day  into  endless, 
pitiful  squabbles  and  mischievous  bickerings.  Among 
the  greater  and  better  men,  some  were  not  now  avail 
able.  Washington  was  enjoying  a  short  recess  in  his 
almost  life-long  career  of  national  labors.  Jefferson 
was  making  a  feeble  and  ineffectual  attempt  to  govern 
Virginia.  The  record  of  his  official  career  is  the  story 
of  successive  pusillanimous  runnings  away  from  the 
seat  of  government  at  the  threatened  approach  of 
danger ;  his  greatness  was  still  very  closely  shut  up 
in  the  green  bud.  John  Adams,  John  Jay,  and  Ben 
jamin  Franklin  were  abroad,  working  bravely.  The 
two  Morrises,  immersed  in  a  sea  of  financial  troubles, 
had  more  in  their  charge  than  even  they  could  fully 
manage.  Among  too  many  of  those  who  were  left, 
and  who  made  even  the  pretence  of  continuing  in  pub 
lic  life,  a  nerveless  inertia  and  despair  seemed  to  pre 
vail.  Few  kept  their  shoulders  at  the  wheel  of  the 
floundering  car  of  State,  and  fewer  still  pushed  with 
their  might.  Madison  was  at  work,  it  is  true,  —  a 
statesman  of  the  first  class,  and  a  man  of  an  admirable 
intellect,  yet  hardly  a  hero  to  put  forth  strenuous  ex 
ertions,  and  by  sheer  strength  to  save  an  inert  people. 

Hamilton  alone  approached  the  labor  in  a  manner 
to  achieve  it.  Had  he  been  a  statesman  of  the  Euro- 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   105 

pean  school, — cold,  crafty,  selfish,  unscrupulous,  grown 
gray  in  intrigues  having  for  their  object  not  the  ad 
vancement  of  the  welfare  of  any  portion  of  the  race, 
but  the  mere  aggrandizement  of  some  royal  family,  — 
one  could  contemplate  the  failure  of  his  efforts  with 
complacency.  But  coming  as  he  did,  young,  fresh, 
and  ardent,  full  of  a  generous  ambition,  to  the  grand 
task  of  saving  an  embarrassed  people,  of  organizing 
a  free  nation,  one  cannot  but  feel  a  certain  sadness 
in  contemplating  the  futility  which,  for  the  time, 
attended  all  his  efforts. 

Yet  to  us,  looking  back  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  a 
century,  it  is  obvious  that  this  failure  was  most  fortu 
nate.  The  success  of  Hamilton  in  his  grand  projects 
at  that  period  would  have  been  a  transitory  and  illu 
sive  blessing.  The  United  States,  such  at  least  as  it 
is  to-day,  might  never  have  existed.  It  was  because 
things  then  grew  persistently  worse  that  they  after 
ward  became  so  much  better.  It  was  only  from  a 
more  confused  and  blacker  chaos  that  the  ne\v  nation 
could  arise,  and  assume  its  place  among  the  leading 
powers  of  the  world.  Yet  though  this  was  fate,  it 
was  not  a  fate  which  the  leaders  of  the  people  could 
safely  hasten  or  properly  assist  in  its  development. 
Had  they  sought  to  do  so,  had  they  aided  matters  to 
advance  to  the  stage  of  desperation  in  the  anticipa 
tion  of  a  wholesome  reaction,  they  would  have  ap 
peared  unfaithful  servants,  and  would  have  found 
themselves  devoid  of  all  influence  at  the  most  impor 
tant  moment.  Very  fortunate  was  it  that  Hamilton 
and  his  compeers  had  the  moral  foresight  and  courage 
to  avoid  this  error,  and  to  pursue  always  and  obvi 
ously  the  permanent  welfare  of  the  people. 


106  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

The  grand  labor  which  presented  itself  before 
Congress  concerned  the  finances,  —  a  labor  as  hope 
less  as  that  of  Sisyphus,  but  as  unavoidable.  "  Mod 
erate  funds  permanently  pledged  for  the  security  of 
lenders,"  —  such  was  the  cry  reiterated  with  painful 
earnestness,  and  truly  and  fully  exposing  the  one 
indispensable  need  of  the  time.  All  persons  who 
gave  any  thought  at  all  to  the  subject  now  under 
stood  and  acknowledged,  what  Hamilton  and  a  few 
others  had  so  long  ago  preached  to  only  half-believ 
ing  ears,  that  by  this  measure  alone  could  the  country 
possibly  be  saved.  But  it  was  precisely  the  establish 
ment  of  such  funds  that  contributed  an  insoluble 
problem.  Congress  could  not  and  the  States  would 
not  take  the  necessary  steps.  Congress  could  only 
urge,  and  this  it  did  vigorously  and  persistently. 
It  was  a  last  desperate  struggle,  and  was  felt  to  be 
such  \yy  Hamilton  and  his  coadjutors ;  each  strove 
according  to  his  strength,  and  the  strength  of  none 
seemed  equal  to  that  of  Hamilton.  So  obvious  did 
these  strenuous  and  persevering  advocates  finally 
succeed  in  making  the  wisdom  and  necessity  of  the 
proposed  measures,  that  in  the  summer  and  autumn 
of  1782  there  really  seemed  for  a  time  to  be  a  fair 
prospect  that  all  the  States  would  combine  in  estab 
lishing,  at  least  temporarily,  the  requisite  laws.  One 
after  another  had  yielded  to  solicitation,  until,  Geor 
gia  remaining  silent  and  uncommitted,  Rhode  Island 
was  the  only  positively  contumacious  member.  Forth 
with  upon  taking  his  seat,  Hamilton  entered  upon  the 
task  of  bringing  Rhode  Island  also  to  take  the  requi 
site  action.  He  presented  a  resolution  for  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  deputation  to  be  sent  to  that  State, 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   107 

to  urge  the  grant  of  the  impost  "  as  a  measure 
essential  to  the  safety  and  reputation  of  these  States." 
At  the  same  time,  to  prevent  delay,  he  presented  a 
draft  of  an  ordinance  for  the  collection  of  the  pro 
posed  duties.  In  the  vote  upon  this  resolution,  the 
Rhode  Island  members  enjoyed  the  unenviable  noto 
riety  of  uttering  the  sole  dissenting  voice.  The  dep 
utation,  being  thus  authorized  to  proceed,  were 
directed  by  Congress  to  take  with  them  a  letter  to 
the  governor,  which  had  been  prepared  by  Hamilton. 
But  the  very  next  day  there  arrived  from  the  Speaker 
of  the  Lower  House  of  the  Rhode  Island  Legislature 
a  letter  to  Congress,  announcing  the  unanimous  re 
jection  of  the  congressional  scheme.  Thereupon  the 
Rhode  Island  delegates  moved  that  the  resolution 
appointing  the  deputation  should  be  rescinded.  Their 
departure  however  was  only  delayed  for  a  few  days 
in  order  to  furnish  Hamilton  with  time  sufficient 
for  drawing  an  elaborate  reply  to  the  grounds  of 
objection. 

The  day  after  this  report  was  accepted  by  Con 
gress,  Hamilton  moved  that  the  deputation  be  di 
rected  to  go  upon  its  mission  as  speedily  as  possible. 
But  all  this  earnest  and  assiduous  labor  was  plough 
ing  in  the  sand.  The  eloquence  and  logic  of  Hamil 
ton  were  of  course  powerless  to  move  the  resolution 
of  a  body  so  stubbornly  committed  to  its  error  as  was 
the  legislature  of  Rhode  Island.  It  became,  how 
ever,  of  little  consequence  whether  or  not  he  could 
penetrate  to  the  deeply  buried  and  petrified  intel 
lects  of  these  gentlemen ;  for,  almost  while  he  was 
composing  his  address  to  them,  the  legislature  of 
Virginia  was  revoking  its  grant  of  the  impost.  The 


108  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

scheme  which  had  approached  so  near  to  success 
receded  into  hopelessness,  and  the  zeal,  with  which 
for  a  time  it  had  been  pushed,  rapidly  abated.  The 
crass  ignorance  and  narrow  obstinacy  of  the  Rhode 
Island  law-givers,  provoking  and  mischievous  as  they 
appeared  at  the  time,  may  after  all  have  been  in 
spired  by  Providence  in  order  to  prepare  the  way  for 
the  dissolution  of  the  Confederation,  and  the  forma 
tion  of  the  new  Union  and  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

One  more  grand  and  complex  plan  was  framed, 
after  long  debate  and  discussion,  —  a  plan  which,  like 
its  predecessor,  never  quite  reached  the  stage  of  exe 
cution.  It  provided  for  an  impost-duty  for  a  period 
of  twenty-five  years,  to  be  appropriated  so  far  as  it 
would  go  to  the  payment  of  the  principal  and  inter 
est  of  the  war-debt;  also,  that  for  the  like  period 
the  States  should  respectively  establish  taxes  to  be 
applied  to  paying  the  balance  of  this  debt.  The 
collecting  officers  were,  to  be  appointed  by  the  States, 
but  amenable  to  and  removable  by  Congress.  "  Lib 
eral  cessions "  of  the  unappropriated  State  lands 
were  also  urged.  This  scheme  was  far  from  meeting 
Hamilton's  views.  It  was  a  short  step  only  in  the 
right  direction.  It  was  fit  to  do  harm  rather  than 
good,  because  its  utter  insufficiency  would  only  bring 
into  unmerited  and  unfortunate  disrepute  the  whole 
fundamental  theory  of  which  it  was  so  imperfect  an 
exposition.  Any  impost,  to  be  substantially  benefi 
cial,  ought  to  be  coeval  in  its  operation  with  the  exist 
ence  of  the  war-debt.  If  it  was  really  to  restore 
confidence  in  the  national  credit,  it  must  promise  to 
return  income  equal  to  the  outgo.  Yet  it  was  not 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   109 

expected,  for  the  present  at  least,  to  bring  in  more 
than  a  million  dollars  per  annum,  whereas  the  inter 
est  on  the  indebtedness  amounted  to  two  and  one- 
half  millions  per  annum.  The  application  to  the  States 
was  a  perpetuation  of  the  old,  bad  system,  and  the 
interference  of  the  same  bodies  in  the  appointment 
of  the  officers  might  well  prove  subversive  even  of 
such  partial  good  as  could  otherwise  be  anticipated. 
Hamilton  resolved  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  so 
faulty  a  scheme,  to  share  no  responsibility  for  the 
adoption  of  so  wretched  a  measure,  and  though  in 
this  respect  he  stood  nearly  alone,  yet  he  stood  firm. 
He  even  ventured  to  find  himself  in  the  odious  com 
pany  of  the  narrow-minded  Rhode  Islanders,  and, 
with  them  and  Mr.  Higginson  of  Massachusetts,  he 
recorded  a  negative  vote.  A  long  letter  in  which  he 
explains  his  motives  and  justifies  his  conduct,  ad 
dressed  to  Governor  Clinton,  has  been  preserved.  It 
sets  forth  reasons  which  all  persons  must  acknowledge 
to  be  strong,  and  most  will  think  to  be  convincing. 
"  While  I  would  have  a  just  deference  for  the  expec 
tations  of  the  States,"  he  said,  "  I  would  never  con 
sent  to  amuse  them  by  attempts  which  must  either 
fail  in  the  execution  or  be  productive  of  evil.  I 
would  rather  incur  the  negative  inconveniences  of 
delay  than  the  positive  mischiefs  of  injudicious  expe 
dients.  A  contrary  conduct  serves  to  destroy  confi 
dence  in  the  government  —  the  greatest  misfortune 
that  can  befall  a  nation.  There  should,  in  my  opin 
ion,  be  a  character  of  wisdom  and  efficiency  in  all 
the  measures  of  the  Federal  Council,  the  opposite  of 
a  spirit  of  temporizing  concession." 

One  great  reform  which  Hamilton  strove  at  this 


110  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

time  to  effect  in  the  theory  of  taxation  then  prevalent 
in  this  country  concerned  the  basis  on  which  the 
allotment  of  taxes  was  made.  It  had  been  provided 
in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  that  the  value  of 
the  appropriated  land  in  each  State  should  be  deter 
mined,  and  should  furnish  the  ratio  in  which  the 
whole  amount  of  money  required  should  be  dis 
tributed  into  quotas  to  be  raised  by  the  States  re 
spectively.  It  was  a  bad  plan,  and  was  ultimately 
acknowledged  to  be  so  and  abandoned.  Hamilton 
was  foremost  in  displaying  its  defects.  "  I  do  not 
believe,"  he  wrote,  that  "  there  is  any  general  repre 
sentative  of  the  wealth  of  a  nation,  the  criterion  of 
its  ability  to  pay  taxes.  There  are  only  two  that 
can  be  thought  of,  land  and  numbers.  .  .  .  The  truth 
is,  the  ability  of  a  country  to  pay  taxes  depends  on 
infinite  combinations  of  physical  and  moral  causes, 
which  can  never  be  accommodated  to  any  general 
rule.  .  .  .  The  diversities  are  sufficiently  great,  in 
these  States,  to  make  an  infinite  difference  in  their 
relative  wealth,  the  proportion  of  which  can  never 
be  found  by  any  common  measure  whatever.  The 
only  possible  way,  then,  of  making  them  contribute 
to  the  general  expense,  in  an  equal  proportion  to 
their  means,  is  by  general  taxes  imposed  by  Conti 
nental  authority." 

This  course,  pursued  with  success  ever  since  the 
parts  became  consolidated  into  a  single  nationality, 
was  an  impossibility  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution.  It  was  only  possible  to  devise  some 
approximate  measure.  Hamilton  argued  that  num 
bers  constituted  a  better  standard  than  the  value  of 
land.  Numbers  could  be  ascertained  with  tolerable 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   Ill 

accuracy;  the  value  of  land  probably  could  not. 
Officers  of  the  general  government  employed  to  go 
through  the  country,  if  devoid  of  partiality,  would 
also  be  helplessly  ignorant;  while  the  business,  if 
left  to  the  States,  would  too  probably  not  be  done  in. 
good  faith.  Suspicions  of  unfairness  must  at  least 
prevail,  and  would  be  nearly  as  harmful  as  the  fact 
itself.  Nor  could  appeal  well  lie  to  Congress  from 
the  valuation  returned  by  any  State,  for  the  matter 
would  be  too  delicate  and  would  touch  too  nearly 
the  honor  of  the  community. 

In  the  discussions  on  this  subject,  by  which  the 
superiority  of  numbers  to  land  as  a  basis  was 
thoroughly  established  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  intel 
ligent  men,  the  rule  of  counting  three-fifths  of  the 
slaves  was  first  suggested.  Mr.  Rutledge  thought 
three  blacks  and  one  white  man  established  an 
equation.  Arthur  Lee  said  two  slaves  were  not 
equal  to  one  freeman.  Mr.  Carroll  said  four  slaves 
were  a  fair  balance  for  one  freeman.  The  northern 
States  generally  favored  the  ratio  of  four  to  three. 
The  three-fifths  rule,  finally  moved  by  Mr.  Madison, 
satisfied  a  large  majority. 

Another  striking  point  in  the  broad  scheme  pro 
posed  by  Hamilton  in  the  first  instance  was  the 
exemption  from  taxation  of  wool  cards,  cotton  cards, 
and  the  wire  for  making  them.  Already  he  devel 
oped  the  plan  of  nourishing  and  protecting  these 
industries  in  the  States,  fully  believing  in  their  fu 
ture  growth  and  value.  Strangely  enough  Massachu 
setts,  destined  to  draw  such  riches  from  these  manu 
factures,  the  mother  of  Lowell  and  of  Lawrence, 
and  thickly  covered  with  manufacturing  villages 


112  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

only  less  famous  than  these  cities,  aided  by  her  vote 
in  the  defeat  of  Hamilton's  far-sighted  scheme. 

Amid  the  fagot  of  financial  difficulties  there  was 
one  formidable  rod  from  which  the  nation  narrowly 
escaped  such  a  scourging  as  might  have  proved  even 
fatal.  For  some  time  past  the  army  had  been  ad 
vancing  from  one  stage  of  discontent  to  another,  as 
the  plans  for  its  compensation,  present  and  prospec 
tive,  appeared  to  grow  steadily  less  satisfactory.  The 
soldiers  naturally  felt  that  whatever  other  bills  might 
be  neglected,  at  least  the  price  of  blood,  of  limbs,  and 
of  lives  should  be  paid.  They  regarded  themselves 
in  the  light  of  preferred  creditors.  They  were  not 
so  numerous,  nor  was  their  pay  so  high,  that  the 
sums  due  them  could  alone  constitute  a  really  severe 
burden.  The  wrath  of  these  men  may  be  pardoned 
when  one  remembers  not  only  the  long  personal 
hardships  of  a  most  severe  service  which  they  had 
endured,  but  also  that  a  large  proportion  of  them  had 
wives  and  children  whom  they  knew  to  be  reduced 
to  the  extremity  of  want  at  home.  As  the  war  drew 
to  a  close ;  as  negotiations  with  Great  Britain  were 
portended,  and  even  actually  begun;  as  every  one 
began  to  foresee  and  predict  the  early  return  of 
peace,  —  these  veterans  became  seriously  alarmed. 
The  reduction  of  the  army  was  already  discussed,  and 
might  be  ordered  at  almost  any  moment.  When  this 
process  should  be  begun,  still  more  when  the  war 
should  be  really  at  an  end,  they  would  be  useless. 
Like  their  own  war-worn  muskets  they  might  too 
be  probably  cast  aside,  to  wear  away  in  the  rusty  de 
cay  of  oblivion  and  uselessness  the  remainder  of  their 
lives.  They  had  dwelt  in  camps  so  long  that  the 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   113 

ways  of  trade  would  be  acquired  by  them,  if  at  all, 
with  difficulty  and  imperfection.  To  be  honorable 
relics  and  mementoes  was  all  very  well ;  yet  the 
United  States  has  never  been  a  country  in  which  the 
uniform  of  rags,  in  whatever  service  donned  and 
worn,  is  treated  with  unalloyed  respect ;  and  at  any 
rate,  even  as  living  relics  and  mementoes,  they  must 
find  food  and  fuel,  raiment  and  shelter.  Yet  the 
chances  seemed  to  strengthen  daily  that  these  neces 
saries  would  come  to  them  only  in  the  shape  of  alms ; 
a  prospect  justly  odious  to  soldiers  who  had  been 
fighting  for  independence. 

As  these  matters  were  talked  over  in  the  leisure  of 
the  monotonous  camp  life  in  winter  quarters  among 
the  wooded  hills  of  Newburgh,  more  and  more  firmly 
did  the  conviction  take  possession  of  the  minds  of  the 
soldiery,  both  officers  and  men,  that  they  could  not 
safely  permit  the  subject  of  their  pay  to  be  left  open 
until  such  time  as  they  should  be  disbanded  and 
dispersed  to  their  several  homes.  All  the  representa 
tions  of  their  plight  made  in  Congress  either  pro 
duced  no  effect,  or  the  most  unsatisfactory  results. 
The  States  were  even  worse  disposed  than  Con 
gress.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  general 
feeling  of  a  considerable  proportion  of  the  people 
towards  this  little  band  of  their  defenders  was  mean 
and  ignominious  in  the  last  degree.  Many  persons 
had  the  folly  to  speak  of  them  as  likely  to  become 
a  privileged,  pensioned,  and  idle  class.  One  can 
hardly  read  the  annals  of  the  times  without  a  sort 
of  grim  feeling  that  if  the  soldiers  had  applied  a  little 
violence  and  brought  a  little  terror  to  the  persons 
and  minds  of  the  economical  patriots,  the  retribution 


114  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

would  not  have  been  misapplied  or  undeserved. 
Much  as  disorder  is  to  be  deprecated,  it  must  be 
acknowledged  that  if  a  band  of  mutinous  soldiers 
had  appeared  with  rails  and  tar,  there  were  several 
distinguished  and  influential  persons  who  might  have 
been  made  victims  of  these  implements  of  torture 
without  receiving  more  than  their  deserts,  or  exciting 
the  slightest  sympathy  in  any  honorable  spirit. 

Hamilton,  as  may  be  conceived  from  his  just 
mind  and  generous  temper,  was  the  untiring  and 
zealous  advocate  of  the  rights  of  the  army.  The 
matter  was  hastening  to  a  crisis  when  he  took  his 
seat  in  Congress.  Pie  first,  by  a  letter  to  the  sec 
retary  at  war,  formally  resigned  his  own  claim  to  the 
arrears  of  pay  still  due  to  himself  for  the  term  of 
his  military  service,  and  having  thus  carefully  di 
vested  himself  of  the  possibility  of  an  imputation 
which  indeed  no  honorable  man  could  have  stooped 
to  make,  he  plunged  into  the  controversy  with  all 
the  ardor  of  his  nature.  He  it  was,  conspicuously 
and  preeminently,  who  conducted  the  cause  of  his 
old  comrades  in  arms.  He  thought  and  planned  for 
them  ;  he  pleaded  and  argued  for  them ;  and  to  him 
belongs  the  chief  credit  for  such  success  as  was 

<D 

achieved  for  their  cause. 

In  October,  1780,  a  resolution  had  passed  Congress 
giving  half-pay  for  life  to  such  officers  as  should 
continue  in  the  service  to  the  end  of  the  war.  This 
might  have  proved  satisfactory  enough,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  unfortunate  fact  that  this  vote  might 
well  be  expected  to  be  as  utterly  void  of  effect  as 
were  many  other  congressional  votes  in  this  unfor 
tunate  domain  of  finance.  Even  now  the  arrears  of 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE   CONFEDERATION.      115 

pay  could  not  be  procured.  What  reasonable  chance 
then  could  be  said  to  exist  that  the  half-pay,  hateful 
as  it  was  to  a  large  body  in  all  the  States,  and  almost 
universally  contemned  throughout  the  whole  of  New 
England  and  in  New  Jersey,  would  be  discharged 
through  the  years  of  peace  which  were  to  come. 
Nay,  the  validity  of  the  act  granting  the  half-pay  had 
already  been  seriously  questioned,  and  though  elo 
quently  defended  by  Madison  there  was  too  much 
danger  that  the  law  would  be  read  by  the  light  of  the 
general  feeling  concerning  it.  What  the  troops  now 
wished  for  was  some  securit}7"  for  their  half-pay  by 
the  pledge  of  permanent  funds,  thereby  putting  them 
beyond  the  reach  of  popular  ill-faith  or  political  mu 
tation  ;  or,  if  this  was  impossible,  then  they  sought  a 
commutation  in  the  shape  of  a  sum  down  in  cash,  or 
full  pay  for  a  short  series  of  years.  Long  and  anx 
ious  were  the  conferences  in  that  dreary  camp  at 
Newburgh,  and  many  were  the  desperate  schemes 
concocted  by  incensed  spirits.  At  one  time  a  com 
bination  to  resign  in  large  bodies  at  a  series  of  stated 
periods  gained  a  formidable  degree  of  strength. 
But  the  framers  of  the  plan  yielded  to  solicitation 
so  far  as  to  forego  it  and  to  adopt  the  more  mild 
measure  of  an  appeal  to  Congress.  Their  petition 
drew  a  strong  and  touching,  but  not  an  overwrought, 
picture  of  their  condition.  They  were  impoverished 
and  in  debt ;  they  had  wearied  out  their  friends  with 
constant  importunities  for  loans  requisite  to  eke  out 
the  bare  existence  of  their  families.  They  had  had 
but  little  pay,  and  even  that  little  had  come  to  them 
in  paper  money  worth  four  pence  to  the  dollar. 
They  now  asked  that  some  ready  money  should  be 


116  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

given  them  as  promptly  as  possible,  and  that  their 
dues  should  be  adjusted,  with  some  adequate  assur 
ance  of  final  payment;  further,  they  proposed  to 
abandon  their  right  to  the  unpopular  half-pay,  in 
exchange  for  full  pay  for  a  certain  number  of  years, 
or  for  a  sum  in  gross. 

This  document  was  brought  to  Congress  by  a  com 
mittee  of  three,  —  General  McDougall,  and  Colonels 
Brooks  and  Ogden.  That  so  important  a  memorial 
from  so  formidable  a  body  of  petitioners  might  not 
seem  to  be  slighted  in  the  manner  of  treatment, 
whatever  might  be  its  chances  of  ultimate  success, 
it  was  referred  to  a  grand  committee  consisting  of 
one  member  from  each  State.  A  sub-committee  was 
however  appointed  to  draw  up  a  report,  which  was 
submitted  to  Congress  by  Mr.  Hamilton  as  chairman, 
Jan.  25,  1783.  The  report  directed  the  superin 
tendent  to  make  the  desired  payment  for  one  month 
so  soon  as  he  possibly  could.  But  for  the  matter  of 
security  it  could  only  state  generally  that  the  army, 
as  well  as  all  other  creditors  of  the  United  States, 
was  entitled  to  and  should  receive  the  pledge  of 
permanent  funds.  But  Virginia,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Georgia  were  at  this  moment  making  it  certain  that 
permanent  funds  would  not  be  established.  So  the 
army  found  its  affairs  nowise  improved.  The  dis 
position  of  Congress  was  not  very  favorable  ;  but  this 
was  of  the  less  consequence  since  the  power  of  Con 
gress,  even  with  the  best  disposition,  amounted  to 
little  more  than  nothing.  The  temper  of  the  State 
legislatures,  with  whom  the  whole  authority  resided, 
was  as  bad  as  could  be.  A  grave  juncture  was  fore 
seen  by  thinking  men  to  be  at  hand.  Hamilton 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION,   117 

wrote  to  Washington,  Feb.  7,  1783,  a  long  and  anx 
ious  letter  discussing  the  probabilities  which  seemed 
to  threaten  in  the  immediate  future :  — 

"  If  the  war  continues,  it  would  seem  that  the  army  must, 
in  June,  subsist  itself  to  defend  the  country ;  if  peace  should 
take  place,  it  will  subsist  itself  to  procure  justice  to  itself. 
.  .  .  The  difficulty  will  be  to  keep  a  complaining  and  suffer 
ing  army  within  the  bounds  of  moderation. 

"  This  your  Excellency's  influence  must  effect.  In  order 
to  it,  it  will  be  advisable  riot  to  discountenance  their  endeav 
ors  to  procure  redress,  but  rather  by  the  intervention  of 
coniidential  and  prudent  persons  to  take  the  direction  of 
them.  This,  however,  must  not  appear.  It  is  of  moment 
to  the  public  tranquillity  that  your  Excellency  should  pre 
serve  the  confidence  of  the  army,  without  losing  that  of  the 
people.  This  will  enable  you,  in  case  of  extremity,  to  guide 
the  torrent  and  to  bring  order,  perhaps  even  good,  out  of 
confusion.  'Tis  a  part  that  requires  address,  but  'tis  one 
which  your  own  situation  as  well  as  the  welfare  of  the  com 
munity  point  out.  .  .  .  General  Knox  has  the  confidence 
of  the  army  and  is  a  man  of  sense.  I  think  he  may  be 
safely  made  use  of.  Situated  as  I  am,  your  Excellency  will 
feel  the  confidential  nature  of  these  communications." 

How  far  this  letter  mapped  out  the  events  which 
soon  occurred  and  the  course  which  was  pursued  in 
regard  to  them  we  shall  forthwith  see.  Meantime 
Congress  still  made  some  feeble  efforts  to  allay  the 
discontent.  Hamilton's  committee  had  reported  a 
resolution  commuting  the  officers'  half  pay  for  life  to 
full  pay  for years,  either  in  money  or  interest- 
bearing  securities,  with  the  option  not  to  individual 
officers  but  to  the  lines  of  the  respective  States  of 
accepting  this  commutation.  Officers  who  had  retired 
on  a  promise  of  half-pay,  and  the  widows  of  those 
dying  in  the  service,  were  included  in  the  same  pro 
vision.  The  blank  before  the  word  years  Hamilton 


118  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

proposed  to  fill  by  inserting  five  and  one-half,  as  con 
stituting  the  nearest  equivalent  upon  a  calculation  of 
the  value  of  the  lives  of  the  beneficiaries.  It  was 
however  filled  with  the  word  "  five."  In  this  shape 
the  resolution  received  the  votes  of  seven  States,  Feb 
ruary  28, 1783.  By  the  Articles  of  Confederation  the 
votes  of  nine  States  were  necessary,  and  the  report 
consequently  failed  to  become  a  law.  Simultane 
ously  with  news  of  this  fact  came  also  to  the  camp 
the  intelligence  of  the  conclusion  of  the  preliminary 
articles  of  the  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  a 
consummation  which  the  army  felt  to  be  full  of  dan 
ger  to  its  prospects  of  obtaining  justice. 

Affairs  were  hastening  to  a  crisis,  and  Hamilton, 
well  advised  of  what  was  passing  in  military  circles, 
warned  his  fellow  Congressmen  frankly  and  fully 
of  what  was  impending.  "  Mr.  Hamilton  and  Mr. 
Peters,"  says  Madison,  "  who  had  the  best  knowledge 
of  the  temper,  transactions,  and  views  of  the  army, 
informed  the  company  that  it  was  certain  that  the 
army  had  recently  determined  not  to  lay  down  their 
arms  until  due  provision  and  a  satisfactory  prospect 
should  be  afforded  on  the  subject  of  their  pay ;  that 
there  was  reason  to  expect  a  public  declaration  to  this 
effect  would  soon  be  made ;  that  plans  had  been  agi 
tated,  if  not  formed,  for  subsisting  themselves  after 
such  declaration ;  that,  as  a  proof  of  their  earnestness 
on  this  subject,  the  commander  was  already  become 
extremely  unpopular  among  almost  all  ranks,  from  his 
known  dislike  to  almost  every  unlawful  proceeding ; 
that  this  unpopularity  was  daily  increasing,  and  in 
dustriously  promoted  by  many  leading  characters ;  " 
that  there  was  a  desire  "to  displace  him  from  the 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   119 

respect  and  confidence  of  the  army,  in  order  to  substi 
tute  General as  the  conductor  of  their  efforts 

to  obtain  justice." 

The  picture  thus  sketched  by  Hamilton  was  in  no 
respect  overdrawn.  The  officers  were  now  indeed 
resolved  to  conduct  their  own  affairs  for  themselves, 
and  schemes  equally  vigorous  and  dangerous  were 
mooted  in  many  a  secret  conclave.  This  brooding 
wrath  soon  found  open  expression.  On  the  tenth  of 
March,  two  papers,  neither  of  them  bearing  any  sig 
nature  or  mark  of  authorship  whatsoever,  were  sent 
rapidly  and  clandestinely  through  the  camp.  The  one 
briefly  summoned  the  general  and  field  officers,  and  a 
commissioned  officer  from  each  company,  to  meet  on 
the  following  day  "  to  consider  what  measures,  if  any, 
should  be  taken  to  obtain  that  redress  of  grievances 
which  they  seem  to  have  solicited  in  vain."  The 
other  instrument  was  a  long  and  singularly  able 
address  of  a  highly  inflammatory  character,  boldly 
worded  and  most  admirably  adapted  to  excite  the 
passions  of  the  body  to  whom  it  was  addressed. 

The  danger  foretold  by  Hamilton  in  his  letter  of 
February  7  was  present  in  full  force,  and  the  counsel 
given  by  him  in  the  same  communication  was  sedu 
lously  followed.  Washington  at  once  endeavored 
to  assume  the  direction  of  the  movement.  On  the 
morning  of  March  13  he  issued  a  general  order,  char 
acterizing  the  proceedings  as  "  disorderly  "  and  repre 
hending  them  frankly,  but  calling  the  officers  together 
on  March  15.  Forthwith  another  anonymous  address 
was  issued,  evidently  from  the  same  pen,  less  denun 
ciatory  but  more  artful  than  its  predecessor,  and 
seeking  to  involve  Washington  as  an  abettor  of  the 


120  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

proposed  scheme.  On  the  same  day  Washington 
wrote  a  long  letter  to  Hamilton,  to  whom  in  this 
emergency  he  seems  to  have  turned  not  only  for  aid 
and  advice  but  for  sympathy  also.  It  was  impossible 
for  either  of  them  to  avoid  a  strong  feeling  in  the  case. 
Pressing  Hamilton  to  renewed  efforts,  Washington 
said :  "  The  situation  of  these  gentlemen,  I  do  verily 
believe,  is  distressing  beyond  description.  It  is 
affirmed  to  me  that  a  large  part  of  them  have  no 
better  prospect  before  them  than  a  jail,  if  they  are 
turned  loose  without  liquidation  of  accounts  and  an 
assurance  of  that  justice  to  which  they  are  so  worthily 
entitled."  Hamilton  immediately  replied,  but  he  had 
little  more  than  old  and  oft-deceived  hopes  to  com 
municate. 

At  the  appointed  day  and  hour  the  officers  assem 
bled.  General  Gates,  the  second  in  command,  pre 
sided.  Washington  came  forward,  and  for  the  first 
time  in  his  life  was  received  by  the  assembly  of  his 
subaltern  officers  with  an  aspect  of  coldness.  He 
arose,  holding  in  his  hand  a  paper  on  which  he  had 
sketched  the  points  of  his  address.  The  momentous 
solemnity  of  the  occasion,  fraught  with  all  the  possi 
ble  dangers  which  untoward  action  taken  by  that 
body  of  men  might  have  upon  the  new  nation,  awed 
even  him ;  he  paused,  the  tears  rose  to  his  eyes  and 
dimmed  his  sight :  he  could  not  read  his  memorandum, 
and  removing  his  glasses  to  wipe  them  he  said  sim 
ply  and  pathetically,  "  Fellow  soldiers,  you  perceive 
I  have  not  only  grown  gray  but  blind  in  your  ser 
vice."  The  remark,  and  the  sight  of  their  dignified 
commander  so  deeply  moved,  softened  his  auditors. 
At  the  close  of  his  address  he  retired,  leaving  them 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   121 

to  debate  and  determine  unembarrassed  by  his  pres 
ence.  Forthwith  General  Knox,  the  fittest  man  as 
Hamilton  had  intimated,  assumed  the  leadership  of 
the  meeting.  He  moved  and  General  Putman  sec 
onded  a  resolution,  assuring  Washington  that  his 
officers  reciprocated  his  affectionate  expressions  with 
the  greatest  sincerity  of  which  the  human  heart  is 
capable.  This  was  passed  by  a  unanimous  vote,  and 
was  followed  by  others  declaring  that  neither  .dis 
tress  nor  danger  should  induce  the  officers  to  sully 
the  glory  and  reputation  earned  by  their  blood  and  by 
eight  years  of  faithful  service  ;  that  they  still  placed 
unshaken  confidence  in  the  justice  of  Congress  and 
of  their  country ;  that  the  commander-in-chief  be  re 
quested  to  write  to  Congress,  entreating  a  speedy 
decision  on  the  late  address  presented  by  the  com 
mittee  from  the  army.  Thus  was  this  ominous  cloud 
dispersed  by  the  magnanimity  of  that  noble  band. 
Yet  how  sadly  and  how  shamefully  was  their  "  con 
fidence  in  the  justice  of  Congress  and  of  their  coun 
try  "  misplaced,  every  reader  of  American  history 
knows  too  well.  In  vain  Washington  and  Hamilton 
and  their  few  honorable  coadjutors  strove  to  stem 
the  tide  of  a  debased  public  sentiment.  After  all  the 
anxiety  and  excitement,  the  army  carried  to  poverty- 
stricken  families  only  the  muskets  which  the  liber 
ality  of  Congress  allowed  them  to  retain,  and  debts 
and  promises  which  long  continued  to  form  the  dis 
grace  of  the  redeemed  people. 

Upon  the  receipt  in  Congress  of  the  full  story  of  the 
Newburgh  disturbances,  Hamilton  brought  forward  a 
resolution  declaring  that  "  Congress  consider  the  con 
duct  of  the  commander-in-chief  on  the  occasion  of 


122  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

some  late  attempts  to  create  disturbances  in  the  army 
as  a  new  proof  of  his  prudence  and  zealous  attention 
to  the  welfare  of  the  community ;  that  he  be  in 
formed  that  Congress  also  entertain  a  high  sense  of 
the  patriotic  sentiments  expressed  by  the  officers  in 
their  proceedings,  which  evince  their  unshaken  per 
severance  in  those  principles  which  have  distinguished 
them  in  every  period  of  the  war,  and  have  so  justly 
entitled  the  troops  of  the  United  States  to  the  esteem 
and  gratitude  of  their  country,  and  to  the  character  of 
a  Patriot  Army."  The  resolution  was  adopted.  If 
the  army  could  not  have  money,  it  was  at  least  impos 
sible  to  begrudge  it  fair  words  and  compliments. 

It  was  an  object  with  those  who  "  thought  conti- 
nentally  "  to  keep  all  the  public  creditors  united  in  a 
combined,  harmonious,  steady  persistence  in  the  effort 
to  obtain  a  grant  by  the  States  to  Congress  of  some 
permanent  and  certain  revenue.  In  such  a  combi 
nation  the  army  played  an  important  and  conspicu 
ous  part.  But  any  thing  in  the  nature  of  military 
interference  was  strongly  deprecated.  The  fact  that 
Hamilton  suggested  the  details  of  the  plan  which 
suppressed  the  incipient  disturbances  ought  to  have 
sufficed  to  protect  his  reputation  from  every  suspicion 
of  covertly  encouraging  or  abetting  violence.  No  one 
certainly  put  himself  more  clearly  on  the  record  in 
favor  of  order  than  he  did.  "But  supposing  the 
country  ungrateful,"  he  wrote  to  Washington,  "  what 
can  the  army  do  ?  It  must  submit  to  its  hard  fate. 
To  seek  redress  by  its  arms  would  end  in  its  ruin. 
.  .  .  There  would  be  no  chance  of  success  without 
having  recourse  to  means  that  would  reverse  our 
Revolution."  Yet,  in  spite  of  this  convincing  evi- 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   123 

dence,  it  did  happen  that  Hamilton  was  subjected 
to  insinuations  of  having  secretly  fomented  the  dis 
content  of  the  army  in  order  to  use  it  as  a  means 
of  furthering  schemes  of  his  own.  The  skilful  and 
vigorous  tone  of  the  famous  Newburgh  addresses 
caused  some  persons  at  the  time  to  attribute  them  to 
him.  But  their  authorship  has  long  since  ceased  to 
be  a  secret,  and  every  one  now  knows  that  they  were 
written  by  Major  John  Armstrong,  then  an  aide-de 
camp  on  the  staff  of  Gates,  subsequently  minister  to 
France  under  Jefferson,  and  Secretary  of  War  in 
Madison's  cabinet.  The  slender  foundation  for  such 
imputations  against  Hamilton  rests  wholly  upon  the 
fact,  that  he  and  many  other  able  and  public-spirited 
men  of  the  day  felt  that  they  could  turn  to  a  good 
use  the  pressure  of  the  army  upon  Congress  and  the 
States,  so  far  as  it  tended  even  by  the  operation  of 
fear  to  induce  the  establishment  of  permanent  funds. 
But  any  thing  like  the  application  of  force  they 
dreaded  as  too  surely  fatal  to  this  usefulness. 

But  there  was  still  in  store  for  Congress  one  other 
vexation  caused  by  discontented  and  unpaid  troops. 
A  body  of  new  levies  encamped  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Philadelphia  mutinied,  and  a  part  of  them  marched 
into  the  city  and  surrounded  the  building  in  which 
Congress  and  the  State  Council  were  both  in  session. 
How  far  the  demonstration  was  aimed  at  the  national 
body,  and  how  far  at  the  local  authorities,  it  is  not 
easy  to  determine  ;  but  certain  it  is  that  Congress  felt 
itself  subject  to  military  surveillance.  Hamilton  was 
upon  a  committee  to  consider  the  situation  and  advise 
as  to  the  proper  action  to  be  taken.  He  reported  that 
satisfactory  protection  could  not  be  furnished  in  Phila- 


124  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

delpMa,  and  a  removal  to  Princeton  was  consequently 
determined  upon  and  carried  out.  The  emeute  was 
soon  after  quelled  without  any  grave  mischief  having 
occurred.  The  ringleaders  deserted  thfeir  followers, 
who  then  surrendered  at  discretion. 

When  the  whole  trouble  was  thus  quietly  over,  some 
strictures  were  uttered  concerning  the  departure  of 
Congress  as  though  it  had  been  premature  and  needless. 
Hamilton  was  very  indignant  at  so  utterly  groundless 
an  insinuation,  and  hastened  to  collect  evidence  and  to 
give  reasons  concerning  his  motives,  which  have  ever 
since  been  accepted  as  satisfactory.  In  an  elaborate 
letter  to  Reed  he  vindicated  the  conduct  which  he 
had  recommended,  and  for  which  he  felt  himself  in  a 
measure  prominently  responsible.  He  had  been  very 
loath  to  see  the  departure  take  place  by  reason  of  the 
ill  appearance  it  would  have  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
But  the  reputation  which  would  follow  an  actual 
assault,  accompanied  perhaps  with  bloodshed,  would 
have  been  infinitely  worse  and  was  by  no  means  to  be 
hazarded.  Not  the  slightest  assistance  could  be  ex 
pected  if  any  accident  had  once  moved  the  spirit  of 
wrath  in  the  breasts  of  the  mutineers.  An  intoxicated 
man,  an  insult,  a  push,  or  a  blow  exchanged  between 
a  soldier  and  a  civilian,  might  not  inconceivably  have 
led  to  a  "  scene  of  plunder  and  massacre.  It  was  the 
height  of  rashness  to  leave  the  city  exposed  to  the 
bare  possibility  of  such  mischiefs."  However  the 
members  "might  have  had  a  right  to  expose  their 
own  persons  to  insult  and  outrage,  they  had  no  right 
to  expose  the  character  of  representatives,  or  the  dig 
nity  of  the  States  they  represented,  or  of  the  Union." 
They  could  not  deliberate  with  propriety  in  such  a 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   125 

state  of  things.  Nor  was  it  impossible  that  the  mu 
tineers  might  be  induced  to  seize  their  persons  and 
hold  them  as  hostages.  In  that  event,  what  an  out 
cry  would  have  been  raised  because  Congress  had 
failed  to  place  itself  beyond  the  reach  of  such  igno 
minious  and  disgraceful  perils!  An  indirect  result 
materially  furthered,  if  not  originated,  by  this  affair 
was  the  scheme  for  setting  apart  some  place  wherein 
Congress  should  meet,  and  in  which  it  should  have 
exclusive  jurisdiction. 

It  was  pending  these  debates  concerning  the  pay  of 
the  army,  permanent  funds,  and  the  impost,  that 
Hamilton  ventured  to  propose  the  great  innovation 
of  giving  to  the  public  free  ingress  to  the  chamber  of 
Congress.  Heretofore,  the  deliberations  of  that  body 
had  been  secret.  But  this  good  old-fashioned  Euro 
pean  way  of  legislating  by  no  means  commended 
itself  to  Hamilton's  understanding,  especially  at  this 
juncture  when  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  that 
popular  feeling  and  opinions  should  be  trained  to 
a  full  appreciation  of  the  necessities  of  the  time. 
Confident  of  the  soundness  of  the  views  which  he 
entertained,  and  persuaded  of  the  strength  of  the 
arguments  urged  by  his  own  party,  Hamilton's  earnest 
purpose  was  to  get  these  views  and  these  arguments 
before  the  people  in  the  most  full  and  thorough 
manner  possible.  Conviction  might  be  expected  to 
follow ;  and  if  the  mass  of  the  intelligent  men  in  the 
country  could  be  persuaded  to  take  up  the  cause  of 
the  army,  and  the  principle  of  national  funds,  and  a 
continental  system  of  taxation,  it  might  still  be  pos 
sible  to  save  the  Confederation  from  the  last  stages 
of  decadence  and  disgrace. 


126  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

The  motion  was  made,  and  only  one  gentleman,  a 
delegate  from  Rhode  Island,  found  any  thing  to  say 
against  it.  His  valuable  suggestion  was  that  if  Ham 
ilton  was  anxious  to  display  his  eloquence  he  should 
address  the  people  from  the  balcony.  But  though 
no  other  gentleman  spoke  against  the  measure  there 
were  abundant  votes  against  it,  and  the  motion  was 
defeated.  A  few  months  later  Hamilton  seconded  a 
motion  of  similar  purport  introduced  by  James  Wil 
son.  This  second  time  there  was  a  little  discussion, 
but  a  large  majority  voted  in  the  negative.  Hamil 
ton  and  Wilson  and  their  few  backers  were  several 
years  in  advance  of  their  fellow  delegates.  Even 
after  the  adoption  of  the  new  Constitution,  the  jeal 
ousy  of  the  Senate  preserved  secrecy  in  all  its  pro 
ceedings  until  1793. 

Long  before  Hamilton  had  taken  his  seat  in  Con 
gress  negotiations  for  peace  had  been  entered  upon. 
Seldom  has  diplomacy  been  more  laggard  than  it  was 
in  these  proceedings.  Many  warring  nations  were  to 
be  reconciled  ;  a  confused  tangle  of  conflicting  inter 
ests  was  to  be  straightened  out ;  concessions  were  to 
be  slowly  wrung  from  unwilling  disputants ;  British 
prejudices  and  British  pride  were  to  be  painfully  and 
reluctantly  compelled  over  what  seemed  to  nearly 
every  man  in  the  realm  the  road  of  national  humilia 
tion.  Most  wearisome,  vexatious,  and  harassing  were 
the  parleyings  in  Paris  where  the  business  was  pass 
ing.  If,  among  all  parties  concerned  in  those  nego 
tiations,  the  United  States  had  most  reason  to  be 
satisfied  with  the  final  result,  it  was  because  from  the 
outset  her  ambassadors  enjoyed  the  important  ad 
vantage  of  clearly  comprehending  the  few  plain,  defi- 


THE  CONGRESS   OF   THE   CONFEDERATION.      127 

nite,  substantial  ends  which  they  had  in  view ;  because 
in  the  pursuit  of  these  ends  they  never  wavered  or 
wore  for  a  moment  the  appearance  of  hesitation  ;  be 
cause  by  no  indirection  or  shuffling  did  they  give  the 
smallest  ground  for  the  suspicion  of  any  concealment 
or  of  any  double-dealing  upon  their  part ;  because  by 
no  bargaining  or  trading  did  they  permit  any  person 
to  retain  the  impression  that  they  might,  if  hard 
pressed,  be  induced  to  yield  any  material  demand 
advanced  by  them.  It  was  by  virtue  of  their  resolute, 
straightforward  plain-dealing  that  they  ultimately 
achieved  a  more  full  success  than  was  secured  by 
the  traditional  manceuvrings  of  the  skilled  diplo 
matists  of  England,  France,  or  Spain.  But  the  labor 
was  long  and  trying.  Time  was  required  in  order  to 
teach  the  lesson  that  John  Jay  and  John  Adams,  and 
even  Benjamin  Franklin  (though  in  him  there  was  an 
element  of  the  fox-nature),  were  men  of  their  word, 
dealers  in  truth  and  not  in  falsehoods.  And  when  at 
last  this  fact  had  fairly  worked  its  way  into  the  aston 
ished  comprehensions  of  European  negotiators  it  gave 
to  these  three  men  an  authority  and  influence  which 
those  who  dealt  with  them  felt  and  succumbed  to. 
It  was  the  first  instance  of  the  introduction  of  Amer 
ican  principles  and  methods  of  work  into  Europe. 

With  the  negotiations  themselves  Hamilton  had 
nothing  to  do.  Had  it  not  been  for  his  generous 
withdrawal  from  a  foreign  mission  in  favor  of  Lau- 
rens,  this  might  have  been  otherwise.  The  United 
States  did  not  control  the  services  of  a  man  more 
thoroughly  fitted  by  nature  for  diplomatic  tasks  than 
was  he  of  whom  some  years  afterward  Talleyrand,  no 
bad  judge,  said,  "  II  avait  divine*  1'Europe,"  that  he 


128  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

comprehended  European  politics  by  inspiration.  One 
cannot  but  regret  that  he  lost  the  opportunity, 
though  in  so  honorable  and  disinterested  a  manner. 
Yet  lose  it  he  did,  and  the  history  of  the  transactions 
at  Paris  is  so  far  collateral  to  the  thread  of  this  narra 
tive,  that  it  must  be  given  only  in  the  briefest  shape. 
The  idea  of  treating  with  the  rebellious  colonies  at 
all  was  so  exceedingly  distasteful  not  to  say  offensive 
to  the  British  mind,  that  it  was  only  very  gradually 
admitted  and  very  gingerly  acted  upon.  Private  gen 
tlemen  were  set  to  work  by  hints  and  innuendoes  to 
convey  to  American  envoys  at  continental  courts  the 
pleasing  information  that  the  British  lion  was  in  a 
relenting  mood,  and  might  perhaps  by  proper  sooth 
ing  appliances  be  induced  to  forego  his  savage  inten 
tion  of  crunching  the  mutinous  colonial  bones.  By 
such  means  communications  were  at  first  opened. 
But  a  serious  obstacle  was  at  once  encountered,  and 
oddly  enough  one  of  the  first  manifestations  of  it  oc 
curred  inside  the  British  cabinet.  Did  the  manage 
ment  of  the  business  rest  with  the  department  of  for 
eign  affairs  or  with  the  department  of  the  colonies  ? 
Each  claimed  it.  This  little  domestic  disagreement 
was  of  small  account  in  itself,  but  it  was  only  the 
first  stage,  or  rather  the  symptom,  of  a  much  more 
grave  embarrassment.  The  British  proposed  to  treat 
with  the  colonies.  The  American  ambassadors  in 
sisted  that  the  United  States  were  no  longer  colonies, 
but  a  free  and  independent  nation;  and  that  they 
must  be  acknowledged  as  such  from  the  outset,  and 
must  be  treated  with  as  such.  A  hard  fight  took 
place  upon  this  point,  which,  though  in  a  certain 
sense  formal,  was  yet  felt  by  the  Americans  to  be  to 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   129 

them  essential.  It  was  not  felt  to  be  essential  to  the 
British,  however,  and  hence  it  naturally  came  to  pass 
that,  when  the  persistence  of  the  one  party  was 
matched  against  that  of  the  other,  victory  inclined  to 
the  side  of  those  Avho  were  convinced  that  they  had 
matter  of  real  substance  at  stake.  So  at  last  the 
Englishmen  yielded. 

But  this  result,  so  simply  stated  in  three  words, 
was  by  no  means  quickly  or  easily  obtained.  The 
burden  of  the  prolonged  and  vexatious  discussion 
which  led  to  it  was  borne  by  John  Jay,  and  little 
help  did  he  get  from  that  quarter  whence  his  country 
men  across  the  Atlantic  fondly  hoped  and  imagined 
that  he  would  receive  all  possible  aid  and  comfort, 
valuable  support,  and  friendly  advice.  The  Count 
de  Vergennes  was  resolved  that  the  United  States 
should  be  henceforth  a  free  and  independent  nation. 
This  fact  was  all-important  to  him ;  but  the  manner 
in  which  it  should  be  established  was,  on  the  other 
hand,  totally  unimportant  to  him.  Whether  it  was 
directly  asserted  in  totidem  verbis,  or  was  left  to  be 
inferred ;  whether  the  acknowledgment  of  it  should 
be  specifically  made  and  should  precede  the  treaty, 
or  whether  it  should  be  set  forth  in  the  treaty,  —  these 
questions  were  to  him  points  of  insignificant  detail, 
and  by  no  means  worth  quarrelling  about.  That  if 
independence  was  not  made  a  basis  of  treating  at  all, 
then  that  it  must  be  agreed  to  in  the  treaty,  he  was 
brought  to  declare.  But  farther  than  this  he  could 
not  be  induced  to  back- the  Americans  with  his  con 
current  opinion.  The  dispute  involved  the  pride  of 
the  English ;  something  more  than  pride  on  the  part 
of  the  Americans  ;  but  for  France  it  involved  nothing 


130  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

whatsoever  either  in  fact  or  in  sentiment.  Vergennes, 
whose  statesmanship  was  conducted  upon  principles 
national  indeed  but  purely  selfish,  regarded  it  solely 
from  the  standpoint  of  French  interests ;  he  did  not 
try  to  look  at  it  in  the  light  of  American  feelings. 
He  was  far  from  placing  or  even  seeking  to  place 
himself  in  sympathy  with  the  American  ambassadors  ; 
he  did  not  think  it  worth  his  while  in  this  instance 
to  simulate  what  he  did  not  feel,  though  on  other  oc 
casions  very  willing  to  do  so,  and  would  not  be  at  the 
pains  of  furnishing  to  his  allies  the  moral  encourage 
ment  of  seeming  to  agree  with  them.  On  the  con 
trary,  he  offered  them  the  moral  discouragement  which 
was  embodied  in  lukewarm  counsels,  and  in  advising 
them  to  make  material  concessions.  How,  he  asked 
them,  could  they  insist  that  the  effect  should  precede 
the  cause  ?  But  this  question  went  to  the  root  of  the 
whole  difficulty;  they  did  not  conceive  the  treaty 
to  be  the  cause  of  the  national  independence,  which 
was  already  an  established  fact.  Venturing  to  act 
counter  to  his  suggestions,  they  carried  the  day  with-* 
out  being  obliged  to  him  for  any  assistance. 

Early  in  the  negotiation  a  singular  vote  had  passed 
the  American  Congress;  a  vote  in  which  gratitude 
degenerated  into  servility ;  a  vote  by  which  the  new 
nation,  whose  ambassadors  we  see  so  sensitively  stand 
ing  out  upon  this  nice  point  of  a  preexisting  freedom 
and  independence,  did  a  kind  of  homage  and  in  some 
sort  acknowledged  a  practical  fealty  to  its  power 
ful  ally,  the  king  of  France.  The  commissioners  in 
Paris  were,  by  this  most  painful  and  astonishing  vote, 
ordered  to  do  nothing  save  by  the  counsel  and  with 
the  consent  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes !  They  were 


THE   CONGRESS   OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.      131 

bidden  "ultimately  to  govern"  themselves  by  his 
"  advice  and  opinion."  The  fate  of  America,  it 
seemed,  could  not  be  safely  entrusted  to  her  own 
commissioners,  —  to  Jay,  Adams,  Franklin,  Laurens, 
—  but  must  needs  be  handed  over  to  the  minister  of 
an  European  monarch.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
Congress  had  but  meagre  information  as  to  the  true 
motives  and  purposes  of  this  wily  Count ;  they  had 
seen  and  experienced  nothing  save  sound  and  honest 
aid  from  France.  They  might  be  excused  for  wish 
ing  the  inexperience  of  their  untrained  envoys  to  be 
supplemented  by  the  astuteness  of  this  cleverest  of 
living  diplomatists.  But  even  after  making  due  allow 
ance  for  these  considerations,  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  Congress  went  a  great  deal  too  far,  and  debased 
itself  and  humiliated  the  country  by  its  action.  Such 
was  felt  to  be  the  character  of  its  proceedings  by 
high-spirited  men  at  home.  Hamilton  and  others 
of  his  stamp  had  their  indignation  strongly  aroused, 
and  never  at  the  time  or  afterwards  sought  to  con 
ceal  their  manly  and  honest  sense  of  disgust  at  such 
a  sacrifice  of  national  honor. 

With  the  American  representatives  abroad  the  first 
impulse  aroused  by  the  receipt  of  these  instructions 
was  forthwith  to  resign  their  commissions,  to  throw 
up  the  whole  business  in  wrath  and  contempt,  and 
to  leave  it  to  others,  to  men  of  a  less  high  spirit,  to 
conduct  so  ignoble  and  slavish  a  business.  They 
saw  enough  and  suspected  more  of  the  indifference 
not  to  say  the  insincerity  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 
They  saw  what  Congress  could  not  see,  that  in  his 
hands  the  interests  of  America  would  be  coldly  con 
sidered  and  disingenuously  pursued,  and  would  be 


132  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

treated  as  articles  of  barter  to  be  used  for  the  advan 
tage  of  France.  Fortunately,  however,  they  were 
too  brave  and  too  patriotic  to  adopt  the  course  which 
anger  at  first  suggested  to  them.  They  resolved, 
after  what  anxious  thought  may  be  imagined,  rather 
to  disobey  Congress  than  to  desert  their  country. 
Act  in  any  real  subservience  to  the  Count  they  could 
not ;  act  in  an  apparent  subservience  they  would  not. 
To  consult  him  when  they  neither  wished  his  advice 
nor  intended  to  follow  it,  but  merely  for  the  purpose 
of  hoodwinking  him  and  obeying  the  letter  of  their 
orders,  was  not  in  the  nature  of  such  men.  They 
were  too  unsophisticated,  perchance.  They  deter 
mined  to  treat  for  themselves,  to  make  their  own 
terms,  and  decide  for  themselves  concerning  their 
demands  and  their  concessions.  It  was  a  bold  and 
momentous  resolution ;  but  Jay  and  Adams  were 
not  men  to  shrink  from  it  for  this  reason,  and  Frank 
lin  imbibed  courage  from  courageous  comrades. 

So  they  wen£  on  to  discuss  with  the  English  envoys 
various  other  matters,  —  the  boundaries,  the  fisheries, 
the  restitution  of  slaves,  reparation  to  loyalists  in 
the  States,  &c.  Count  de  Vergennes  cared  little 
about  the  fisheries ;  indeed  there  is  reason  to  think 
that  he  would  have  been  not  unwilling  to  see  the 
Americans  excluded  from  them  altogether.  He  was 
not  averse  to  seeing  them  shared  between  England 
and  France,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  comers. 
Neither  did  he  take  a  lively  interest  in  the  matter 
of  boundaries,  except  indeed  for  one  purpose  which 
will  be  hereafter  mentioned.  Provided  only  that 
Canada  remained  as  a  check  upon  the  United  States 
he  was  satisfied ;  and  of  this  there  could  be  no  doubt, 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   133 

though  Franklin  especially  had  a  great  longing  for 
annexation.  But  it  was  soon  apparent  that  there 
was  no  chance  of  it.  So  the  Count  let  the  private 
treating  go  on  without  reproaches  or  complaints, 
secretly  resolved  not  to  let  "unjust  demands"  of 
the  United  States  stand  in  the  way  of  French  nego 
tiations,  but  otherwise  content  to  let  his  allies  work 
out  their  own  salvation  by  their  own  efforts,  and  in 
such  shape  as  should  suit  themselves.  He  knew 
well  enough  what  they  were  about ;  he  knew  that 
they  had  been  bidden  to  be  guided  by  him,  and  of 
course  he  also  knew  that  they  were  not  consulting 
him.  But  he  did  not  care  ;  he  was  perfectly  satisfied. 
So  the  commissioners  determined  upon  the  prelimi 
nary  articles  of  a  treaty  of  peace  without  objection 
upon  his  part.  Only  as  the  United  States  was  bound 
not  to  make  a  separate  peace  before  an  accommoda 
tion  should  likewise  be  effected  by  her  allies,  it  was  ex 
pressly  saved  that  the  treaty  should  not  go  into  effect 
until  terms  of  a  general  pacification  should  also  have 
been  agreed  upon. 

It  was  only  after  this  stage  had  been  reached  and 
was  openly  acknowledged  and  generally  known  to 
have  been  reached,  that  the  Count  de  Vergemies  dis 
played  real  or  simulated  indignation,  and  accused  the 
Americans  of  bad  faith.  There  were  not  wanting 
many  upon  this  side  of  the  water,  whose  imperfect 
knowledge  of  the  true  history  of  the  transactions  in 
iEurope  led  them  to  sympathize  with  these  complaints 
of  Vergennes,  and  to  think  that  our  commissioners 
had  really  served  him  a  somewhat  scurvy  trick,  and 
had  blamably  disregarded  the  imperative  instructions 
of  Congress.  But  this  spirit  would  have  acquired  no 


134  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

very  great  strength,  especially  in  the  face  of  the  uni 
versal  joy  diffused  by  the  expectation  of  returning 
peace  and  the  knowledge  of  a  treaty  thoroughly  sat 
isfactory  in  its  terms,  had  it  not  been  for  the  existence 
of  one  fact.  The  treaty  contained  a  secret  article  ; 
and  when  the  other  articles  were  made  known  to 
France,  this  was  altogether  withheld.  It  arose  thus : 
The  boundary  line  between  the  Spanish  possessions 
and  the  United  States  was  in  dispute,  as  was  also 
the  right  of  the  latter  country  to  navigate  the  lower 
Mississippi  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  was  very 
doubtful  what  divisional  line  the  States  might  finally 
be  obliged  to  accede  to,  and  what  privileges  they 
could  establish  concerning  the  use  of  the  river.  In 
this  latter  question  the  British  also  felt  an  interest. 
Certain  facts  which  had  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
Jay  persuaded  him  that  in  any  controversy  between 
Spain  and  the  United  States  France  would  cast  her 
influence  in  favor  of  Spain.  That  country  wanted 
Gibraltar ;  and  since  she  stood  no  chance  of  getting 
it,  she  would  surely  require  a  very  large  substitute  to 
make  her  at  all  contented.  Naturally  enough,  the 
French  minister  thought  that  it  would  be  a  fine 
escape  from  the  difficulty  to  carve  this  substitute  out 
of  the  extensive  territories  of  North  America.  Hence 
it  was  naturally  to  be  supposed  that,  in  any  arrange 
ments  between  Spain  and  the  United  States,  the  lat 
ter  country  could  but  dubiously  depend  upon  the 
good  offices  of  France.  In  this  condition  of  things 
certain  arrangements  with  England  were  made  to  de 
pend  upon  the  result  of  the  Spanish  negotiations ; 
Great  Britain  abandoned  her  claims  to  the  country 
above  the  Yazoo ;  and  the  United  States  abandoned 


THE  CONGRESS   OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.      135 

her  claims  to  the  country  below  it,  contingently  upon 
the  possession  of  Florida.  Under  the  circumstances 
it  was  not  considered  to  be  safe  to  furnish  knowledge 
of  this  conditional  stipulation  to  France,  because  of 
her  supposed  Spanish  bias.  Hence  the  negotiators 
sought  refuge  in  this  secret  article,  and  by  it  estab 
lished  a  boundary  in  the  alternative,  so  to  speak, 
dependent  upon  whether  Spain  should  or  should  not 
become  mistress  of  the  Floridas. 

When  these  preliminaries  and  this  secret  article 
reached  Congress  a  dreadful  storm  was  raised.     The 
French  partisans  were  beside  themselves  with  rage. 
Their  assaults  upon  the  commissioners  were  unmeas 
ured  in  violence.     They  accused  these  gentlemen  not 
only  of  disregarding  their  instructions,  —  which  indeed 
they  had  done,  though  most  wisely  and  heroically,  as 
has  ever  since  been  admitted  by  persons  of  nearly 
all  shades  of  political  opinion,  —  but  also  of  bad  faith, 
of  which  certainly  they  were  not  guilty,  and  of  dis 
honoring  the  country  by  the  display  of  ingratitude 
and  disingenuousness  towards  a  tried  and  trustworthy 
friend,  a  charge  which  also  was  certainly  not  true. 
The  propriety  of  the  secret  article  must  be  acknowl 
edged    to    be    questionable.      The    necessity   which 
seemed  to  compel  making  it  was  much  to  be  deplored, 
and  was  perhaps  not  so  stringent  a  necessity   as  it 
appeared.     It  is  hard  now  to  judge  accurately  of  the 
matter.      But  necessary  or  unnecessary,   it  did  not 
justify  a  vote   of  censure  which  some  gentlemen  had 
the  hardihood  to  propose  in   Congress.      The   most 
which   any   moderate    dissatisfaction    could   prompt 
would  be  the  instant  communication  of  the  article  to 
Vergennes.     Yet  in  considering  the  propriety  even 


136  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

of  this  measure,  it  should  be  remembered  that  this 
article  had  no  bearing  whatsoever  upon  any  real 
French  interests.  It  could  concern  Vergennes  only 
so  far  as  it  might  affect  his  power  to  trade  and  change 
about  equivalents  among  the  various  parties  to  this 
complicated  business.  So  far  as  any  rightful  pur 
poses  which  he  might  entertain  went,  he  could  do  as 
well  without  a  knowledge  of  this  article  as  with  it. 
But  for  wrongful  or  questionable  purposes  he  might 
find  it  extremely  useful.  The  controversy  really  was 
therefore,  or,  if  the  facts  had  been  properly  under 
stood,  should  have  been:  whether  it  was  wise  and 
prudent  to  trust  him  with  a  knowledge  which  he 
could  not  use  for  our  good  and  which  he  might,  if  so 
minded,  use  for  our  harm.  There  can  be  little  ques 
tion  that  reticence  was  the  part  of  caution. 

In  debate  a  variety  of  opinions  were  expressed,  and 
several  resolutions  were  offered ;  among  them  the 
following,  by  Hamilton  :  That,  as  Congress  are  desir 
ous  of  manifesting  at  all  times  the  most  perfect  con 
fidence  in  their  ally,  the  secret  article  should  be 
communicated  to  the  minister  of  France  by  the  sec 
retary  of  foreign  affairs ;  and  that  he  inform  the 
commissioners  of  the  reasons  for  that  communication, 
expressing  to  them  the  desire  of  Congress  that  they 
will  upon  all  occasions  maintain  perfect  harmony  and 
confidence  with  an  ally,  to  whose  generous  assist 
ance  the  United  States  are  so  signally  indebted ;  that 
Congress  entertain  a  high  sense  of  the  services  of 
these  commissioners,  for  their  steady  attention  to  the 
dignity  and  essential  rights  of  the  United  States,  and 
in  obtaining  from  the  court  of  Great  Britain  articles 
so  favorable  and  so  important  to  those  interests. 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.  137 

Hamilton  seems  in  this  matter  to  have  been  in 
clined  to  steer  a  middle  course  between  the  extrem 
ists  upon  either  side.  During  the  course  of  the 
debate  he  gave  utterance  to  his  sentiments  substan 
tially  as  follows :  He  could  see  grounds  in  the 
action  of  the  French  minister  for  watching  him  with 
caution  and  vigilance.  It  might  be  that  he  was  not 
acting  in  the  very  best  of  faith,  though  this  by  no 
means  certainly  appeared.  On  the  other  hand  we 
had  every  reason  for  thoroughly  suspecting  the  sin 
cerity  of  Great  Britain.  Her  "past  cruelty  and 
present  duplicity "  proved  this.  As  between  the 
two  cabinets  —  for  it  was  a  question  of  cabinets  not 
of  peoples — it  was  easy  to  sa}*  with  which  our  resent 
ments  and  our  jealousies  should  rest.  The  instruc 
tion  subjecting  our  commissioners  to  French  advice 
he  had  uniformly  disapproved ;  but  he  had  always 
judged  it  improper  to  repeal  it.  He  disapproved  of 
the  conduct  of  the  commissioners  in  actually  signing 
the  preliminary  articles  before  communicating  them 
to  De  Vergennes,  and  more  emphatically  he  disap 
proved  of  the  secret  article.  He  was  now  in  favor 
of  communicating  it.  Yet  he  thought  the  commis 
sioners  should  in  a  general  way  be  commended,  and 
certainly  should  not  be  recalled  or  rebuked.  It  is 
also  desirable  in  another  connection  to  note  the  mod 
erate  tone  of  this  speech,  and  to  observe  that  such 
sympathies  as  it  evinces  are  French.  It  shows  very 
plainly  that  at  this  time  Hamilton  cherished  no 
antipathies  to  France,  no  prepossessions  for  Great 
Britain ;  indeed,  his  feelings  seem  to  have  been  rather 
of  the  opposite  bent,  a  fact  which  later  in  this  narra 
tive  it  will  be  important  to  bear  in  mind. 


138  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

In  the  height  of  the  dispute,  when  there  seemed 
not  the  slightest  prospect  of  an  emergence  from  the 
imbroglio,  a  sudden  and  fortunate  delivery  was  ex 
perienced.  The  importance  of  the  controversy  was 
wholly  eliminated  by  the  receipt  of  news  from  Europe 
of  the  signature  at  Paris  on  the  twentieth  day  of  Jan 
uary  of  the  preliminaries  of  a  general  peace.  It  was 
no  longer  a  matter  of  any  consequence  whether  the 
ban  of  secrecy  was  removed  from  the  article  or  not. 
What  good  or  ill  it  could  do  had  been  done.  The 
fuel  which  had  fed  the  flames  of  wrath  being  thus 
opportunely  withdrawn,  the  discussion  was  indefi 
nitely  postponed  and  was  never  renewed.  The 
battle  ceased  without  a  triumph  for  any  of  the 
numerous  combatants. 

At  a  later  date,  looking  back  upon  this  period, 
Hamilton  wrote  that  upon  first  going  into  Congress 
he  "discovered  symptoms  of  a  party  too  well  dis 
posed  to  subject  the  interests  of  the  United  States 
to  the  management  of  France."  For  himself,  he 
acknowledged  "a  lively  sentiment  of  good- will  to 
wards  a  power  whose  aid,  dictated  not  improperly 
in  some  measure  by  its  own  interest,  had  yet  been 
extremely  useful  to  us,  and  had  been  afforded  in  a  lib 
eral  and  handsome  manner."  Only  any  undue  "  pre 
ponderance  of  foreign  influence  "  he  was  resolved  to 
combat.  Among  the  fruits  of  this  French  bias,  he 
mentions  the  "  celebrated  instructions  to  our  com 
missioners,"  which  "  placed  them  in  a  state  of  de 
pendence  on  the  French  ministry,  humiliating  to 
themselves  and  unsafe  for  the  interests  of  the  coun 
try.  This  was  the  more  exceptionable  as  there  was 
cause  to  suspect  that,  in  regard  to  the  two  cardinal 


THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  CONFEDERATION.   139 

points  of  the  fisheries  and  the  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi,  the  policy  of  the  cabinet  of  Versailles  did 
not  accord  with  the  wishes  of  the  United  States." 
The  commissioners  "  had  the  fortitude  to  break 
through  these  fetters,"  and  by  so  doing  doubtless 
"  accelerated  the  peace  with  Great  Britain  and  im 
proved  the  terms,  while  they  preserved  our  faith  with 
France.  Yet  a  serious  attempt  was  made  to  obtain 
from  Congress  a  formal  censure  of  their  conduct. 
The  attempt  failed,  and  instead  of  censure  the 
praise  was  awarded  which  was  justly  due  to  the 
accomplishment  of  a  treaty  advantageous  to  this 
country  beyond  the  most  sanguine  expectation.  In 
this  result,  my  efforts  were  heartily  united." 

Throughout  this  excited  controversy  Hamilton  is 
found  taking  substantially  the  same  views  which 
are  taken  now  by  historians  removed  by  the  lapse 
of  a  century  from  the  friendships  and  enmities,  the 
prejudices  and  suspicions,  of  those  days.  More  and 
more,  as  opinion  crystallizes  concerning  the  history 
of  the  treaty,  posterity  is  content  to  admit  the  self 
ishness  dashed  with  duplicity  of  the  Count  de 
Vergennes,  the  courage  and  good  conduct  of  our 
commissioners. 

Before  the  definitive  treaty  arrived  Hamilton 
had  left  Congress,  where  no  further  business  of 
importance  detained  him,  and  hastened  to  Albany 
to  resume  his  professional  business.  Nor  could  any 
urgency,  though  vigorously  applied,  induce  him  to 
forego  his  resolution  of  retirement  and  again  to  enter 
into  public  life.  He  was  not  willingly  spared.  Jay 
wrote  to  him  regretting  his  determination.  McHenry 
wrote  expatiating  on  the  golden  opinions  which  he 


140  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

had  won  among  his  colleagues  in  Congress.  From  all 
quarters  came  the  same  language.  But  Hamilton's 
resolve  was  invincible ;  already,  while  such  letters 
were  reaching  him,  he  had  plunged  deeply  into 
professional  labors. 


PROFESSIONAL  LITE.  141 


CHAPTER   V. 

PROFESSIONAL   LIFE. 

IN  the  negotiations  concerning  the  treaty  the  Eng 
lish  commissioner  had  labored  hard  to  protect  the 
Tories  in  respect  of  their  property  as  well  as  of  their 
persons.  But  these  efforts  had  met  with  very  little 
success.  Whatever  might  have  been  the  personal 
sentiments  of  Jay,  Adams,  and  Franklin,  those  gen 
tlemen  were  too  well  aware  of  the  condition  of  feel 
ing  in  the  States  to  enter  into  undertakings  which 
would  inevitably  be  repudiated  and  bring  the  entire 
labor  to  naught  so  soon  as  news  of  them  should  be 
wafted  across  the  Atlantic.  Accordingly  the  prelim 
inary  articles  and  the  definitive  treaty,  in  identical 
language,  provided  that  there  should  be  no  farther 
confiscations,  no  new  prosecutions ;  and  for  the  sake 
of  formally  saving  the  honor  of  Great  Britain,  which 
was  said  to  be  committed  to  the  reimbursement  of 
the  losses  suffered  by  the  Tories,  it  was  also  stipu 
lated  that  Congress  should  "recommend"  to  the 
legislatures  to  pass  such  laws  as  would  enable  the 
loyalists  to  recover  their  confiscated  estates,  by  pay 
ing  to  the  present  holders  such  sums,  if  any,  as  might 
have  been  actually  paid  by  these  holders.  But  the 
futility  of  such  recommendations  was  not  concealed. 


142  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

The  honest  American  negotiators  frankly  said  that 
though  they  would  insert  the  desired  words,  yet  the 
advice  when  given  would  never  be  followed. 

As  between  the  patriots  and  the  Tories  the  contest 
had  in  fact  been  a  civil  war,  and  had  been  marked 
with  all  the  wonted  hatred  attending  such  conflicts. 
Peace  brought  with  it  no  alleviation  of  this  acerbity. 
The  triumphant  party  was  inclined  to  push  confisca 
tion  and  banishment  to  the  extreme  limits  that  mer 
ciless  ingenuity  could  suggest.  The  recommendations 
called  for  by  the  treaty  were  laughed  to  scorn ;  the 
only  question  was,  whether  its  positive  contracts  in 
favor  of  the  odious  faction  should  be  observed.  The 
disposition  to  disregard  them  was  dangerously  strong, 
and  in  many  quarters  a  willingness  was  manifested 
even  to  endanger  the  new  and  imperfectly  assured 
tranquillity  by  enactments  and  practices  in  direct 
contravention  of  the  distinct  and  absolute  provisions 
stipulating  against  farther  prosecutions,  and  against 
the  interposition  of  legal  obstacles  to  the  recovery  of 
debts  and  property. 

In  New  York  such  feelings  ran  to  a  height  beyond 
that  reached  in  any  other  of  the  thirteen  States. 
There  the  loyalists  had  been  strongest  at  the  begin 
ning  of  hostilities,  and  the  nearly  equal  division  of  the 
parties  had  increased  their  animosity.  Afterward  the 
occupation  during  so  many  years  of  the  city  of  New 
York  by  the  British  forces  had  been  productive  of  im 
mense  pain  and  loss.  The  patriots  had  been  driven 
from  their  homes,  separated  from  their  property, 
debarred  from  their  wonted  means  of  securing  a  liveli 
hood.  Foemen  had  occupied  their  houses  and  mal 
treated  the  homesteads  and  the  household  gods,  as 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE.  143 

such  tenants  are  wont  to  do.  Loyalists  had  succeeded 
to  the  trade  and  secured  the  emoluments  which  the 
friends  of  liberty  had  been  obliged  to  abandon.  To  re 
coup  these  great  damages  was  now  the  vehement  resolve 
of  a  party  powerful  apparently  to  the  point  of  being 
fully  dominant  both  in  numbers  and  influence.  Gov 
ernor  Clinton  threw  the  whole  force  of  his  great  pop 
ularity,  his  energetic  character,  and  his  strong  though 
not  broad  intellect  upon  this  side.  Samuel  Adams 
was  playing  the  same  part  in  Massachusetts.  Such 
leaders  would  alone  have  made  the  party  which  fol 
lowed  them  formidable,  had  it  needed  to  rely  upon 
vigorous  and  able  generalship  to  secure  success ;  but 
it  seemed  to  have  sufficient  inherent  brute  force  to 
achieve  a  triumph  under  a  much  feebler  hegemony. 

It  was  with  deep  sorrow  and  anxiety  that  the  more 
catholic  and  dispassionate  members  of  the  patriot 
party  regarded  this  potent  and  dangerous  tide  of 
popular  sentiment.  It  threatened  to  overwhelm 
them,  if  they  tried  to  stem  it.  But  fortunately  they 
were  men  who  did  right  without  counting  the  chances, 
and  an  unexpected  degree  of  success  finally  rewarded 
their  efforts.  It  fell  to  Hamilton  to  take  an  early 
and  a  prominent  part  in  this  controversy. 

The  legislature  of  New  York  had  passed  a  "  Tres 
pass  Act,"  whereby  an  action  of  trespass,  for  the 
recovery  of  damages,  was  given  to  persons  who  had 
left  their  abodes  in  consequence  of  invasion,  against 
those  persons,  who  had  subsequently  entered  and 
remained  in  possession  of  those  abodes.  Justifica 
tion  of  such  occupancy  by  virtue  of  a  military 
order  was  expressly  precluded.  The  sweeping 
effect  of  this  enactment  is  seen,  when  it  is  remem- 


144  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

bered  that  nearly  all  the  buildings  in  the  city  of 
New  York  belonging  to  patriots  had  been  the 
objects  of  such  abandonment  and  occupation  dur 
ing  the  many  years  that  the  town  was  held  by  the 
British  troops.  The  first  case  that  arose  was  one  in 
which  the  whole  burden  of  sympathy  was  cast  into 
the  scale  in  behalf  of  sustaining  the  validity  of  the 
enactment.  A  widow,  who  had  been  driven  into 
exile  and  reduced  to  poverty  by  the  war,  instituted 
a  suit  against  a  rich  Tory  merchant  who  had  been  en 
joying  her  real  estate  beneath  the  protecting  shadow 
of  the  hostile  flag.  A  large  amount  of  property  was 
directly  at  stake,  and  indirectly  the  decision,  being 
rendered  in  a  test  case,  would  govern  the  demands  for 
vastly  greater  sums.  Hamilton  was  applied  to,  and 
dared  to  hold  the  brief  for  the  defendant.  He  could 
scarcely  have  taken  any  step  which  would  have  more 
surely  brought  down  upon  him  an  intense  and  wide 
spread  odium.  A  striking  parallel,  perhaps  the  only 
one  afforded  by  American  history,  for  his  action  is 
the  behavior  of  John  Adams  in  undertaking  the 
defence  of  the  British  soldiery  arraigned  for  murders 
committed  at  the  "  Boston  Massacre."  The  high 
rule  of  professional  honor,  which  bids  a  lawyer  never 
to  refuse  to  act  for  a  client  because  that  client  has 
the  misfortune  of  lying  beneath  the  ban  of  public 
animosity  and  oppression,  might  have  obliged  Hamil 
ton  to  undertake  a  case  of  this  nature  reluctantly. 
But  there  were  no  marks  of  reluctance  or  lukewarm- 
ness  in  the  way  in  which  he  entered  upon  his  task. 
It  was  not  only  a  technical  professional  duty  to 
accept  the  case,  but  it  was  a  moral  duty  to  argue  it 
with  all  his  ability,  and  it  may  be  said  that  it  was  a 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE.  145 

national  duty  to  win  it  if  winning  were  a  possibility. 
For  there  was  more  than  a  mere  question  of  law  at 
issue :  there  was  a  great  principle  of  immutable  pub 
lic  right  and  justice  to  be  vindicated.  He  felt  this, 
and  that  it  was  his  bounden  duty  to  triumph.  In  no 
effort  of  his  life  is  there  apparent  greater  thorough 
ness  of  preparation,  or  greater  earnestness  in  prose 
cution. 

Under  the  untoward  condition  of  the  facts  there 
was  nothing  for  him  to  do  save  to  argue  the  question 
of  law.  The  rich  merchant  and  the  poor  widow  were 
kept  in  the  background ;  they  were  the  mere  John  Doe 
and  Richard  Roe  in  a  cause  where  the  individuals  were 
nothing  and  the  principles  were  every  thing.  Upon 
one  only  chord  of  feeling  or  prejudice  was  Hamilton 
able  to  touch,  and  that  was  the  pride  of  the  court. 
This  he  handled  with  some  skill  at  the  outset,  begging 
the  bench  to  remember  that  it  was  no  longer  the  local 
court  of  a  colony,  but  a  high  tribunal  to  which  the 
eyes  of  nations  must  be  turned  with  curiosity  to  see 
how  it  could  rise  to  meet  the  trying  demands  upon 
intellect  and  character  made  by  an  occasion  like  the 
present.  The  point  in  issue  must  be  decided  by  the 
law  of  nations,  which  must  control  not  only  because 
it  was  omnipotent  among  all  civilized  peoples,  but 
because  it  was  a  part  of  the  common  law,  which  was 
the  law  especially  of  this  land.  It  was  a  necessary 
and  established  doctrine  of  that  code,  that  the  fruits 
of  immovables  belong  to  the  captor  so  long  as  he 
remains  in  actual  possession  of  them.  Apart  from 
this  doctrine,  also,  the  plaintiff  could  not  be  allowed 
to  prevail  save  by  a  violation  of  the  treaty.  The 
amnesty  established  by  that  instrument  extended 

VOL.    I.  10 


146  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

to  private  persons  as  well  as  to  the  contending 
peoples  in  their  national  capacity.  Nor  was  it 
possible  to  say  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  had  not  power  to  make  that  treaty,  to 
include  in  it  this  stipulation  of  amnesty,  and  to 
bind  the  State  of  New  York  by  the  terms  thereof. 
The  constitution  of  New  York  recognized  the  Con 
federation  which  gave  to  Congress  the  full  and  ex 
clusive  powers  of  war,  peace,  and  treaty-making. 
If  Congress  had  entered  into  undertakings  affect 
ing  the  private  rights  and  property  of  individ 
uals,  it  must  be  remembered  that,  as  regards  all 
'foreign  nations,  the  property  of  the  individual  is  the 
property, of  the  State.  Nor  could  disapprobation  of 
the  action  of  Congress  justify  the  State  of  New  York 
in  annulling  the  obnoxious  undertakings ;  for  each 
State  in  the  Confederation  stood  in  the  position  of  a 
party  to  a  contract  which  it  must  abide  by  unless 
released  by  consent  of  all  the  other  parties.  The 
peroration  was  a  strong  appeal  not  to  shatter  the 
Union  by  the  deliberate  breach  of  the  organic  con 
tract  by  which  alone  it  existed. 

The  speech  delivered  upon  this  memorable  occasion 
was  an  excellent  illustration  of  Hamilton's  oratory. 
It  was  very  full  and  elaborate.  He  never  was  con 
tent  with  suggesting  arguments  or  considerations  to 
his  hearers,  nor  did  he  ever  deliver  an  address  which 
had  the  appearance  of  being  the  partisan  presentation 
of  only  one  side  of  a  question.  He  preferred  to  make 
a  thorough  exploration  of  the  whole  matter ;  he 
stated  the  positions  taken  by  his  opponents  almost  as 
fully  as  he  set  forth  his  own  confutation  of  those 
positions.  When  he  closed,  he  left  upon  his  hearers 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE.  147 

the  impression,  generally  correct,  that  they  had  been 
over  the  whole  ground,  not  over  selected  parts.  In 
addition  to  this  power  of  constructing  an  argumen 
tative  speech,  he  excelled  much  more  strikingly  in 
the  capacity  of  enchaining  the  attention  of  his  audi 
tors.  He  was  an  orator  as  well  as  a  thinker.  What 
he  had  thought  out  with  the  Scottish  logic  which  he 
was  entitled  to  through  his  father,  he  uttered  with 
the  French  fire  which  came  from  his  maternal  ances 
try.  He  spoke  with  that  fervid  vigor  which  not  only 
evinced  his  own  conviction,  but  forced  conviction 
upon  his  hearers.  He  compelled  attention  ;  his  large 
and  brilliant  eyes  held  his  audience  by  a  fascination 
more  agreeable  but  not  less  potent  than  belonged  to 
the  glance  of  the  Ancient  Mariner.  Listeners  never 
yawned  or  allowed  their  eyes  to  wander  or  their  lids 
to  droop  when  he  was  speaking  even  on  the  dryest 
points  of  constitutional  law. 

Thus  in  the  present  instance  he  actually  forced 
from  most  reluctant  men  a  decision  in  favor  of  his 
client.  Hostile  prepossessions,  dread  of  public  abuse, 
selfish  considerations  arising  from  the  temporary  ten 
ure  of  the  judicial  office,  no  less  than  the  arguments 
of  his  opponents,  were  all  overcome.  Unwilling  lips 
pronounced  a  judgment  in  his  favor,  and  a  triumph 
less  conspicuous  but  more  difficult  than  the  many 
which  yet  awaited  him  in  public  life  was  thus  honor 
ably  won. 

Loud  was  the  reprobation  which  followed  this 
victory  of  justice.  A  few  days  later  a  large  public 
meeting  was  held,  and  an  address  to  the  people, 
reputed  to  have  been  written  by  Melancthon  Smith, 
was  adopted.  It  admitted  the  ability  and  learning 


148  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDEK  HAMILTON. 

of  Hamilton's  argument,  but  exhorted  the  people  to 
elect  senators  who  would  allow  no  curtailment  of  the 
privileges  of  the  people,  and  who  would  afford  pro 
tection  from  judicial  tyranny.  Shortly  afterward 
the  legislature  met,  and  at  once,  without  waiting  for 
proceedings  by  appeal,  took  this  decision  under  con 
sideration  and  passed  condemnatory  resolutions  con 
cerning  it,  declaring  it  to  be  subversive  of  all  law  and 
good  order,  and  recommending  the  council  of  appoint 
ment  at  their  next  session  "  to  appoint  such  persons 
mayor  and  recorder  of  New  York  as  will  govern 
themselves  by  the  known  law  of  the  land." 

Later,  being  a  member  of  the  Assembly,  Hamil 
ton  moved  a  reference  of  this  obnoxious  Trespass 
Act,  together  with  another  concerning  debts  owing 
to  persons  within  the  enemy's  lines.  The  laws  were 
accordingly  sent  to  a  committee  of  which  he  was 
chairman.  The  bill  which  he  introduced  and  sup 
ported  by  one  of  his  full  and  eager  speeches  was 
passed  by  the  House,  but  was  thrown  out  by  the  sena 
tors  in  whose  chamber  his  arguments  and  oratory 
unfortunately  could  not  be  heard  in  favor  of  his 
measure. 

Meantime  the  torrent  of  popular  revenge  swept 
resistlessly  onward,  scarcely  experiencing  so  much  as 
a  momentary  perceptible  check  from  this  judicial 
opinion.  No  person  was  allowed  to  vote  at  any  elec 
tion  unless  he  could  under  oath  purge  himself  of  all 
past  offences  against  the  country.  The  petitions  of 
proscribed  persons  asking  leave  to  return  to  their 
homes  were  rejected.  It  was  declared  that  adherents 
of  the  enemy  could  not  justly  be  restored  to  the 
rights  of  citizenship.  The  governors  of  the  several 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE.  149 

States  were  requested  to  interchange  lists  of  persons 
who  had  been  banished.  A  bill  passed  the  legislature, 
but  fortunately  failed  to  pass  the  revisionary  council, 
disfranchising  all  persons  who  had  voluntarily  re 
mained  in  parts  of  the  State  in  occupation  of  the 
British  troops,  and  declaring  them  guilty  of  mis- 
prision  of  treason,  without  the  formality  of  trial. 
The  council  said  that  such  a  bill  would  so  nearly 
depopulate  many  neighborhoods  as  not  to  leave 
enough  men  to  fill  the  necessary  offices  for  conducting 
an  election !  These  and  other  similar  proceedings 
excited  the  indignation  and  the  resolute  opposition 
of  the  best  men  in  the  State,  and  especially  of  Ham 
ilton,  who  made  himself  conspicuous  in  his  efforts  to 
restrain  these  excesses. 

It  was  for  this  purpose  that,  to  his  own  pecuniary 
loss,  he  snatched  time  enough  from  the  pursuit  of 
his  profession  to  write  the  pamphlet  which  became 
known,  from  its  signature,  as  "  Phocion."  It  was 
a  strong  appeal  in  favor  of  moderation  and  respect 
for  law  and  justice.  It  was  widely  read  throughout 
the  States,  and  was  even  republished  in  London. 
Naturally  it  drew  forth  many  replies,  to  one  of  which, 
written  by  Isaac  Ledyard  under  the  signature  of 
"Mentor,"  Hamilton  was  induced  to  address  the 
"  Second  Letter  of  Phocion." 

;  The  statement  that  Hamilton's  pamphlets  could 
not  be  satisfactorily  encountered  might  be  supposed 
to  emanate  from  a  too  friendly  or  prejudiced  biogra 
pher.  But  the  sentiments  of  his  adversaries  them 
selves  may  be  inferred  from  a  simple  but  significant 
fact.  A  club  of  gentlemen,  who  were  earnestly  and 
conspicuously  engaged  in  combating  the  views  of 


150  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Phocion,  met  one  evening  and  began  to  discuss  the 
two  famous  letters.  So  fierce  was  the  sentiment  of 
animosity  which  this  conversation  developed,  that  a 
proposition,  made  by  one  of  the  members  with  the 
view  of  for  ever  silencing  their  antagonist,  was  read 
ily  agreed  to  by  the  rest.  This  was  no  less  than  that 
the  members  of  the  club  should,  one  after  another, 
challenge  Hamilton,  until  in  the  continuous  series 
of  duels  some  one  should  have  the  good  fortune  to 
destroy  him !  It  was  the  fortunate  appearance  of 
Mr.  Ledyard  at  this  juncture,  and  his  abhorrent  de 
nunciation  of  so  villanous  a  conspiracy,  that  alone 
prevented  the  consummation  of  the  plot.  Hamilton 
heard  of  this  occurrence,  and  knew  that  he  owed  his 
escape  to  the  intervention  of  his  adversary,  Mentor, 
but  did  not  know  who  Mentor  was.  Not  long  after 
ward,  it  happened  that  both  gentlemen  met  at  the 
table  of  a  common  friend.  One  of  the  guests  chanced 
to  address  Mr.  Ledyard  by  his  nom  de  plume.  Hamil 
ton  at  once  sprang  up,  and  seizing  his  hand  cried  out, 
"  Then  you,  my  dear  sir,  are  the  friend  who  saved  my 
life  ?  "  Mr.  John  C.  Hamilton,  in  narrating  this  little 
anecdote,  says  that  Ledyard  replied,  "  That,  you  know, 
you  once  did  for  me."  But  to  what  incident  this 
response  had  reference  I  have  been  unable  to  dis 
cover. 

If  Hamilton's  action  in  this  matter  had  the  result 
of  making  him  hated  by  many,  it  also  had  the  effect 
of  making  him  respected  by  the  more  intelligent 
members  of  the  community.  It  brought  to  a  high 
point  his  reputation  for  forensic  ability,  and  thus 
probably  increased  rather  than  diminished  the 
amount  of  his  professional  practice,  in  spite  of  the 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE.  151 

enmity  it  excited.  At  any  rate,  his  business  was 
ample  to  occupy  all  the  time  which  he  could  give  to 
it,  and  left  him  no  right  to  complain  that  the  path  of 
the  law  was  either  slow  or  arduous.  Clients  of  the 
best  class  were  abundant ;  and  he  wrote  that  legisla 
tive  folly  had  afforded  so  plentiful  a  harvest  that  he 
had  scarcely  a  moment  to  spare  from  reaping.  The 
case  of  the  British  merchant  was  not  the  only  in 
stance  in  which  he  was  able  to  combine  professional 
functions  with  service  of  the  public.  In  the  univer 
sal  financial  disorder,  all  sorts  of  schemes,  practicable 
and  impracticable,  wise  and  foolish,  were  suggested 
and  urged.  Among  others,  a  land  Bank  was  sought 
to  be  established,  according  to  plans  put  forward 
through  a  person  who  was  understood  to  be  the 
agent  or  mouth-piece  of  Chancellor  Livingston. 
Unsound  as  the  scheme  was,  its  parentage  secured 
for  it  a  considerable  degree  of  favor.  It  was  how 
ever  opposed  successfully  by  wiser  men,  among 
whom  Hamilton  was  prominent.  These  persons 
succeeded  in  establishing  upon  good  business  prin 
ciples  the  Bank  of  New  York.  Hamilton  drew  the 
constitution,  was  elected  a  director,  and  made  chair 
man  of  the  committee  deputed  to  draft  the  by-laws. 

About  this  time  there  was  organized  by  the  officers 
of  the  army  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  Its  design 
was  to  form  a  military  brotherhood,  necessarily  limited 
in  numbers,  to  be  composed  of  the  American  and 
French  officers  who  had  seen  service  in  the  Revolu 
tionary  war,  with  descent  to  their  eldest  male  posterity, 
and,  in  default  thereof,  to  collateral  branches.  A 
golden  eagle  and  a  ribbon  were  adopted  as  a  badge. 
A  fund  was  also  to  be  raised  by  contribution  to  aid 


152  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

such  members,  or  families  of  members,  as  might  fall 
into  pecuniary  straits.  Persons  living  to-day  see  this 
organization,  though  still  in  existence,  yet  almost  for 
gotten  and  quite  ignored  by  the  mass  of  the  people, 
a  matter  of  harmless  pride  and  mild  interest  only  to 
its  own  immediate  members,  more  impotent  for  prac 
tical  purposes  than  a  railroad  corporation  or  a  political 
dinner  club.  Not  without  difficulty  can  we  conceive 
that  it  was  ever  regarded  as  a  plan  fraught  with  polit 
ical  and  social  dangers.  For  though  changes  were 
promptly  made  in  the  original  constitution,  yet  it  is 
easy  to  see  that  without  those  changes  the  result  must 
have  been  equally  harmless.  But  the  suspicious  spirit 
of  the  times  saw  in  the  association  the  establishment 
of  an  aristocracy.  Judge  Burke,  of  South  Carolina, 
wrote  a  pamphlet  proving  by  the  precedents  of 
mediaeval  European  history  that  a  race  of  heredi 
tary  patricians  was  to  be  created.  He  neglected 
to  mention  that  the  people  had  taken  good  care  to 
make  such  an  aristocracy  as  nearly  as  possible  a 
pauper  caste.  Gentlemen  whose  labors  in  behalf 
of  their  country  had  been  purely  in  the  civilian  walks 
of  life  were  especially  angry  at  this  military  brother 
hood.  The  reader  may  decline  to  believe  that  Adams 
and  Jefferson  could  harbor  such  an  unworthy  jealousy. 
Yet  the  former  assailed  the  institution  in  his  wonted 
fervent  style  of  declamatory  invective,  as  "  sowing 
the  seeds  of  all  that  European  courts  wish  to  grow 
up  among  us  of  vanity,  ambition,  corruption,  discord, 
and  sedition  ;  "  and  the  latter,  whose  exploits  during 
the  years  of  warfare  had  been  of  a  character  to  gratify 
the  peaceful  spirit  of  the  most  bigoted  Quaker,  and 
whose  practical  knowledge  of  warfare  was  confined 


PROFESSIONAL  LIFE.  153 

to  the  theory  of  successful  flight,  amiably  advised  the 
defenders  of  his  country  to  "  melt  down  their  eagles." 
This  insensate  clamor  became  so  loud  and  so  wide 
spread  that  it  was  even  heard  across  the  Atlantic, 
and  this  "  villanous  institution  "  afforded  to  Mirabeau 
an  opportunity  which  he  readily  seized,  to  utter  an 
harangue  equally  brilliant  and  ridiculous  upon  the 
appearance  of  political  corruption  in  the  new  land 
of  liberty. 

The  indignation  with  which  the  honest  and  poverty- 
stricken  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  found  the  popular 
will  thus  resolved  to  deprive  them  of  the  slight  solace 
and  insufficient  charity  which  they  had  hoped  to  secure 
for  themselves  may  be  imagined.  But  they  soon 
saw  that  it  was  the  part  of  prudence  to  effect  some 
modification  in  their  project.  Hamilton  was  placed 
upon  the  committee  to  consider  what  should  be  done, 
and  immediately  advised  with  General  Washington. 
On  July  4,  1786,  the  State  society  of  New  York  met. 
Hamilton  delivered  an  oration,  and  at  an  adjourned 
meeting  two  days  later  he  submitted  his  report,  which 
was  duly  accepted,  in  reference  to  the  changes  pro 
posed  to  be  made  in  order  to  allay  the  popular  ani 
mosity.  The  propriety  of  obtaining  charters  from 
the  State  legislatures  in  token  of  their  unquestioned 
subjection  to  lawful  authority  had  been  suggested ; 
but  this  Hamilton  very  properly  opposed.  It  would 
have  tended  to  produce  precisely  that  state  of  things 
which  the  opponents  of  the  Cincinnati  dreaded.  A 
voluntary  association  can  scarcely  erect  itself  into 
an  aristocracy.  Privileges  conferred  and  maintained 
by  the  law  of  the  land  are  indispensable  to  such  an 
order.  "  Charters,"  said  Hamilton,  "  ought  never  to 


154  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

be  granted,  since  the  dangers  apprehended  from  the 
institution  could  then  only  cease  to  be  imaginary 
when  it  should  receive  the  sanction  of  a  legal  estab 
lishment.  The  utmost  the  society  ought  to  wish  or 
ask  from  the  several  legislatures  is,  to  enable  it  to 
appoint  trustees  to  hold  its  property  for  the  chari 
table  purposes  to  which  it  is  destined."  As  to  the 
matter  of  the  "  duration  or  succession  of  the  society," 
Hamilton  suggested  that  the  real  intention  of  the 
society  was  not  expressed  in  terms  sufficiently  accu 
rate  and  explicit.  This  provision  so  "  far  as  it  may 
intend  an  hereditary  succession  by  right  of  primo 
geniture  is  liable  to  this  objection,  —  that  it  refers 
to  birth  what  ought  to  belong  to  merit  only ;  a  prin 
ciple  inconsistent  with  the  genius  of  a  society  founded 
on  friendship  and  patriotism."  Farther  as  to  the  dis 
tinction  between  honorary  and  regular  members,  he 
said  that  this  distinction  held  up  "  an  odious  differ 
ence  between  men  who  had  served  their  country  in 
one  way  and  those  who  had  served  it  in  another,  and 
was  improper  in  a  society  where  the  character  of  pa 
triot  ought  to  be  an  equal  title  to  all  its  members." 

Be  it  that  the  sacrifice  of  the  hereditary  element 
removed  an  honest  public  fear,  or  that  the  abolition 
of  the  distinction  between  honorary  and  regular  mem 
bers  disarmed  the  "  envy  and  jealousy  "  and  soothed 
the  "  disordered  imaginations  "  of  civilian  opponents  ; 
or  be  it  that  the  people  began  to  recognize  and  feel 
ashamed  of  their  folly,  —  certain  it  is  that  the  outcry 
was  allayed  by  these  measures  of  amendment,  and  the 
society  of  the  best  patriots  in  the  country  was  able 
thereafter  to  continue  its  existence  in  peace,  and 
certainly  in  the  most  perfect  harmlessness. 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  155 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   CONSTITUTION. 
PART    I. BEFORE    THE    CONVENTION. 

THE  prominent  part  played  by  Hamilton  concern 
ing  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  well 
known,  and  it  now  becomes  necessary  to  trace  the 
course  of  events  so  far  as  he  is  connected  with  them, 
which  led  up  to  this  grand  conclusion.  It  is  needless 
to  elaborate  or  to  continue  the  sketch  which  has  been 
given  of  the  state  of  public  affairs^  _  at  the  time  of 
Hamilton's  service  in  the  national  Congress.  The 
seeds  of  evil  and  of  discord,  then  in  such  vigorous 
and  manning  youth,  culminate^  quickly  to  an  alarm 
ing  maturity.  A  condition  of  things  worse  than  was 
ever  beheld  in  divided  Germany  threatened  to  be 
come  permanently  established  upon  this  continent. 
The  bonds  of  Jinion  became  so  impotent,  that  their 
formal  continuance  seemed  to_be  joaatter  of  indiffer 
ence.  A  system  of  selfishness  equally  unalloyed  and 
short-sighted,  especially  in  the  matter  of  imposts  and 
commercial  restrictions,  was  rapidly  and  surely  pav 
ing  the  way  to  jealousy  and  ill-blood  betwixt  the 
rival  sovereignties.  Nor  was  it  likely  that  actual 
warfare  would  await  the  somewhat  tardy  pace  of 


156  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

animosities  thus  slowly  though  surely  engendered; 
for  disputes  rapidly  growing  into  full-fledged  quarrels, 
chiefly  concerning  questions  of  territory,  were  setting 
many  States  in  the  array  oLopen  foes  against  each 
other.  Meantime,  jealously  as  thq  State  governments 
regarded  any  superior  authority  outside  of  themselves, 
they  were  far  frdm  separately  possessing  any  suffi- 
cient  degree  of  strength  to  insure  domestic  tranquillity. 
Internal  enmities  were  violent ;  disorders  threatened 
and  occasionally  broke  out,  assuming  in  Massachu 
setts  for  a  time  the  really  formidable  aspect  of  armed 
insurrection.  It  was  obvious  that,  unless  the  country 
was  to  plunge  into  a  long  dark  night,  dawn  must  be 
near  at  hand.  If  better  intelligence  did  not  come 
very  soon,  it  would  come  too  late  to  be  of  service. 

It  was  a  long  while  since  the  necessity  for  strength 
ening  the  central  government  had  become  a  familiar 
and  established  doctrine  with  Hamilton,  and  with 
others  who  had  sufficient  scope  of  intellect  to  "  think 
continentally,"  as  the  phrase  of  the  day  ran.  But 
how  few  these  persons  were,  and  how  slowly  this 
number  increased,  may  be  conceived  when  we  find 
that  Madison  in  1781,  writing  with  regard  to  a  propo 
sition  for  a  national  naval  establishment,  puts  the 
question,  "  Without  it,  what  is  to  protect  the  south 
ern  States  for  many  years  to  come  against  the  insults 
and  aggressions  of  their  northern  brethren  ?  "  Madi 
son  was  a  stanch  Unionist,  but  this  query  shows 
what  were  his  anticipations  of  the  future  of  his  coun 
try.  The  scheme  for  a  navy,  although  advocated  for 
such  a  reason,  had  yet  an  element  of  nationality  in 
it,  for  it  was  to  be  governed  by  the  national  council. 
Yet  it  seemed  a  strange  idea  that  a  force  should  be 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  157 

composed  and  maintained  by  State  contributions,  to 
be  used  for  repressing,  controlling,  if  need  be  of 
attacking,  one  or  another  of  those  States  according 
to  the  exigencies  of  any  special  occasion.  At  the 
same  time  Hamilton  was  urging  the  consolidation  of 
the  Union  in  a  more  practicable  manner.  "  Force," 
he  said,  "  cannot  effect  it.  The  application  of  it  is 
always  disagreeable,  the  issue  uncertain.  It  will 
be  wiser  to  obviate  the  necessity  of  it,  by  inter 
esting  such  a  number  of  individuals  in  each  State 
in  support  of  the  federal  government  as  will  be 
a  counterpoise  to  the  ambition  of  others,  and  will 
make  it  difficult  for  them  to  unite  the  people  in 
opposition  to  the  just  and  necessary  measures  of  the 
Union." 

The  principle  declared  in  this  sentence  continued 
to  guide  the  purposes  and  actions  of  Hamilton 
through  the  years  which  intervened  between  the 
close  of  the  war  and  the  adoption  of  the  constitution. 
The  consolidation  of  the  Union  was  the  best  interest 
of  the  people  ;  to  convince  them  of  this  by  making  it 
for  the  visible  tangible  interest  of  as  many  of  them  as 
possible  was  the  object  of  his  steady  endeavor.  A 
union  thus  founded  might  be  trusted  to  endure. 
How  hard  and  earnestly  he  toiled  to  secure  a  national 
revenue,  a  national  system  of  imposts,  a  body  of 
national  officials,  has  already  been  seen.  National 
forces  to  garrison  national  military  posts,  a  national 
marine,  a  mint  and  a  national  coinage,  a  national  bank 
to  furnish  a  uniform  currency  and  so  to  regulate  and 
facilitate  commerce  between  the  States,  a  series  of 
commercial  treaties  with  foreign  powers, —  were  among 
the  measures  which  he  contemplated,  and  which  as 


158  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

occasion  offered  he  strenuously  urged.  A  national 
debt,  which  has  been  called  the  surest  guarantee  of 
prolonged  national  existence,  he  had  no  need  to  cre 
ate, —  that  he  found  ready  at  his  hand;  but  he  well 
understood  the  use  to  which  it  could  be  put.  He 
favored  the  assumption  by  the  Confederation  of  the 
debts  incurred  by  the  several  States  during  the  war 
of  the  Revolution.  Uniformly  he  appears  as  the 
vindicator  of  the  authority  of  Congress,  the  defender 
of  its  implied  powers.  "  A  Representative  Republic," 
he  said,  "  ought  to  have  the  means  necessary  to 
answer  the  end  of  its  institution,"  —  a  simple  truth 
enough,  one  would  think,  but  by  no  means  generally 
recognized  in  those  days. 

In  1783  he  prepared  a  series  of  resolutions,  which 
have  been  preserved  and  bear  this  indorsement  in  his 
own  handwriting :  "  Intended  to  be  submitted  to 
Congress  in  seventeen  hundred  and  eighty-three,  but 
abandoned  for  want  of  support."  This  document 
opens  with  a  recital  in  twelve  paragraphs  of  as  many 
defects  in  the  existing  Confederation,  viz. :  — 

First,  and  generally :  In  confining  the  Federal  Govern 
ment  within  too  narrow  limits ;  withholding  from  it  that 
efficacious  influence  which  is  indispensable  to  the  harmony 
and  welfare  of  the  whole. 

Second.  In  confounding  legislative  and  executive  powers 
in  a  single  body,  contrary  to  the  most  approved  maxims  of 
free  government,  which  require  that  the  legislative,  execu 
tive,  and  judicial  functions  should  rest  in  distinct  and  separate 
hands. 

Third.  In  the  want  of  a  Federal  Judicature,  having 
cognizance  in  the  last  resort  of  all  matters  of  general  con 
cern  ;  a  need  especially  illustrated  by  the  danger  of  the 
infringement  by  local  tribunals  of  the  national  treaties. 

Fourth.  In  the  vesting  in  the  United  States  a  nominal, 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  159 

but  in  fact  a  nugatory,  power  of  general  taxation,  acknowl 
edging  the  propriety  of  conferring  the  authority,  yet  failing 
in  fact  to  confer  it. 

Fifth.  In  establishing  a  difficult  and  unjust,  if  not  alto 
gether  impracticable,  rule  for  determining  the  respective 
money  quotas  of  the  several  States. 

Sixth.  In  authorizing  Congress  to  borrow  money  and 
emit  bills  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  without  the 
power  of  establishing  funds  to  secure  the  repayment  of  the 
money  or  the  resumption  of  the  bills ;  thus  tempting  that 
body  to  pour  forth  a  quantity  of  unfunded  paper  as  the  sign 
of  value,  and  to  entail  upon  the  nation  the  long  arrears  of 
suffering,  disaster,  and  dishonor  inevitably  following  in  the 
train  of  such  action. 

Seventh.  In  not  making  proper  or  competent  national 
provision  for  the  interior  or  exterior  defence  of  the  nation  as 
a  whole ;  and  further,  in  devolving  upon  the  particular 
States  in  time  of  peace  the  care  of  their  own  defence  both 
by  sea  and  land,  and  precluding  the  United  States  from 
raising  a  single  regiment,  or  building  a  single  ship,  until  such 
time  as  war  should  have  been  actually  declared,  or  hostilities 
already  commenced. 

Eighth.  In  not  vesting  in  the  United  States  a  general 
superintendence  of  trade,  equally  necessary  in  the  view  of 
revenue  and  of  regulations. 

Ninth.  In  defeating  essential  powers  nominally  conferred 
by  annexing  provisos  and  limitations  inconsistent  with  their 
nature ;  e.  g.,  the  restrictions  on  the  treaty-making  power, 
preventing  any  treaty  being  made  which  should  affect  the 
power  of  each  individual  State  to  establish  such  duties,  pro 
hibitory  or  otherwise,  as  it  should  see  fit ;  thus  rendering  a 
commercial  treaty  a  practical  nullity. 

Tenth.  In  granting  to  the  United  States  the  sole  power 
over  the  domestic  coinage,  but  no  power  of  regulating  the 
value  of  foreign  coin  in  circulation  in  the  States ;  though 
without  the  latter  power  the  former  is  nugatory. 

Eleventh.  In  requiring  the  consent  of  nine  States  to 
matters  of  principal  importance,  and  of  seven  to  all  other 
matters,  save  only  adjournments  from  day  to  day ;  "  a  rule 
destructive  of  vigor,  consistency,  or  expedition  in  the 
administration  of  affairs,  and  tending  to  subject  the  sense 
of  the  majority  to  that  of  the  minority." 

Twelfth.  In  vesting  in  the  Federal  Government  the  sole 


160  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

charge  of  the  foreign  interests  and  relations  of  ten  States 
without  empowering  it  to  pass  afl  general  laws  in  aid  and 
support  of  the  laws  of  the  nation ;  for  the  want  of  which 
authority  the  faith  of  the  United  States  may  be  broken, 
their  reputation  sullied,  and  their  peace  interrupted,  by  the 
negligence  or  misconduct  of  any  particular  State. 

For  these  twelve  reasons,  each  of  which  had  already 
too  often  given  rise  to  the  most  dangerous  emergen 
cies  during  the  war,  and  thereafterward  to  a  series 
of  temporary  and  inefficient  expedients  and  to  a 
neglect  of  the  national  engagements  ;  also  for  the 
farther  general  and  all-embracing  reason  that  "  it  is 
essential  to  the  happiness  and  security  of  these  States 
that  their  union  should  be  established  on  the  most 
solid  foundations,  and  it  is  manifest  that  this  desira 
ble  object  cannot  be  effected  but  by  a  GOVERNMENT, 
capable  both  in  peace  and  war  of  making  every  mem 
ber  of  the  Union  contribute  in  just  proportion  to  the 
common  necessities,  and  of  combining  and  directing 
the  forces  and  wills  of  the  several  parts  to  a  general 
end,"  —  therefore  it  was  proposed  that  the  several 
States  should  appoint  a  convention  "  with  full  powers 
to  revise  the  Confederation,  and  to  adopt  and  pro 
pose  such  alterations  as  to  them  should  appear  neces 
sary,  to  be  finally  approved  or  rejected  by  the  States 
respectively." 

But  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  the  reception  of 
such  doctrines  as  these.  A  longer  servitude  amid 
suffering  and  jeopardy  was  needed  in  order  to  teach 
the  inevitable  but  unwelcome  lesson,  that  in  conquer- 
ingjndependence  only  the  first  stage  of  the  struggle 
had  been  passed  through,  that  subsequent  peace  and 
prosperity  were  possible  only  by  and  through^  a 
hearty  and  substantial  union.  The  United  States, 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  161 

which  had  long  looked  forward  to  the  establishment 
of  peace  with  Great  Britain  as  the  event  which  should 
be  but  the  introduction  and  first  movement  in  a  long 
and  smooth  career  of  prosperity,  happiness,  and  glory, 
now  began  to  learn  that  evils  and  trials  exceeding  in 
magnitude  those  of  the  past  lay  in  this  halcyon 
future,  and  were  not  to  be  avoided.  At  first  the 
disappointment  was  bitter.  Some  were  in  despair; 
others  were  irritated  ;  the  great  mass  were  disquieted, 
ignorant,  helpless ;  only  a  few  great  and  brave  men 
comprehended  the  situation  and  saw  the  way  of  ex 
trication.  During  this  period  of  jealous  cavillings, 
blind  gropings,  and  unreasonable  animosities,  it  was 
the  appointed  task  of  Hamilton,  Washington,  and  the 
other  few  honest  and  clear-headed  men  to  educate 
the  multitude  in  political  wisdom.  The  task  was 
not  easy  nor  attractive,  but  they  accepted  it  as 
conscience  bade  them  ;  and  as  these  tutors  stead 
fastly  and  consistently  pressed  their  unalterable  senti 
ments,  fixed  amid  change,  the  people  who  saw  the 
expedients  of  other  would-be  teachers  in  turn  surely 
fail,  and  the  state  of  the  nation  growing  steadily 
worse  under  such  erroneous  tutelage,  at  last  became 
willing  to  try  the  plans  which  had  been  so  long  pre 
sented  to  their  reluctant  consideration. 

In  1785  it  began  to  seem  as  though  the  crisis  was 
near  at  hand.  The  selfish  conduct  of  New  York  in 
respect  of  customs-regulations  had  given  rise  to  feel 
ings  of  intense  hostility  on  the  part  of  her  neighbors, 
so  that  they  became  not  less  selfish  and  even  more 
short-sighted  than  she  was.  New  Jersey  declared 
Perth  Amboy  and  Burlington  to  be  free  ports,  and 
thus  tempted  merchants  to  immigrate  thither  by  offer- 

VOL.    I.  11 


162  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ing  to  them  special  exemption.  Connecticut  also  had 
already  taken  a  similar  course,  making  New  Haven  and 
New  London  free  ports,  and  offering  also  her  lures  to 
merchants.  The  people  of  that  State  were  now  so 
incensed  as  to  have  begun  already  to  discuss  in  ear 
nest  the  feasibility  of  prohibiting  all  intercourse  with 
the  New  Yorkers.  Everywhere  the  debtor  and  cred 
itor  classes  were  arrayed  against  each  other  with  a 
display  of  fury  and  unreason  that  made  all  the  local 
governments  totter  to  their  very  foundation.  Paper 
money  was  put  forth,  and  the  most  absurd  and  ex 
travagant  laws  were  passed  to  achieve  the  impossible 
end  of  keeping  it  at  par  with  gold  coin.  In  New 
Hampshire  an  astonishing  enactment  decreed  that 
any  and  all  kinds  of  property  should  be  a  legal  tender 
at  an  appraised  value !  The  result  was  universal  dis 
tress,  and  a  mob  at  the  seat  of  government.  Stay 
laws  also  became  popular.  In  Massachusetts  this 
state  of  affairs  culminated  in  Shays's  rebellion,  which, 
though  destitute  of  the  elements  of  permanent 
strength,  yet  assumed  for  a  time  formidable  pro 
portions  and  thoroughly  frightened  the  respectable 
classes  in  all  the  neighboring  States. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  renewed  efforts  were 
made  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  Congress.  James 
Bowdoin,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  a  man  of  a  good 
head  and  abundant  courage,  proposed  a  general  con 
vention  of  delegates  from  the  several  States.  Even 
Governor  Clinton  of  New  York  received  such  tem 
porary  illumination  of  intellect  as  to  propose  an 
enlargement  of  the  powers  of  Congress,  though 
for  the  very  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory  reason 
that  thereby  that  body  might  be  the  better  able  to 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  163 

counteract  the  injurious  commercial  policy  of  Great 
Britain.  A  large  meeting  came  together  in  the  city 
of  New  York  to  urge  that  the  sole  power  of  commer 
cial  regulation  should  be  vested  in  Congress.  Ham 
ilton  addressed  the  assemblage,  and  some  slight 
practical  results  were  achieved. 

The  first  step  towards  the  formation  of  the  present 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  taken  by  Vir 
ginia.  I  say  the  "  first  step,"  for  though  the  legislature 
of  Massachusetts  had  shortly  before  this  time  adopted 
a  resolution  urging  Congress  to  recommend  a  con 
vention  to  "  revise  the  Confederation  and  to  report 
how  far  it  may  be  necessary,  in  their  opinion,  to  alter 
or  enlarge  the  same  in  order  to  secure  and  perpetuate 
the  primary  objects  of  the  Union,"  yet  for  reasons  set 
forth  in  a  letter  from  the  delegates  of  the  State  this 
resolution  was  not  only  never  presented,  but  was  even 
annulled  by  a  vote  of  the  same  body  which  had  passed 
it.  The  fears  which  led  to  this  result  were  in  part  that 
the  convention  might  fall  beneath  the  control  of  per 
sons  of  aristocratic  tendencies,  in  part  that  a  destruc 
tion  of  the  existing  system  and  an  entire  remodelling 
might  be  insisted  upon.  This  movement  in  Virginia 
was  not  however  due  to  the  fact  that  that  State  was 
enlightened  beyond  her  sisters,  or  more  willing  than 
they  were  to  make  sacrifices.  It  came  from  her  in  the 
pursuit  of  her  own  special  welfare  and  advantage. 
The  situation  of  Virginia  and  Maryland,  bordering 
upon  opposite  banks  of  the  same  navigable  stream, 
made  it  necessary  that  some  commercial  convention 
should  be  established  between  them.  The  negotia 
tions  undertaken  to  achieve  this  purpose  resulted  in 
a  compact  which,  strange  to  relate  of  those  days  of 


164  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

dissension,  was  a  compact  agreeable  to  both  parties, 
but  could  be  valid  only  by  virtue  of  the  consent  of 
Congress.  It  was  in  this  paroxysm  of  local  amiability, 
in  this  brief  reign  of  good  feeling  and  good  sense, 
that  the  legislature  of  Virginia  was  inspired  to  pass  a 
resolution  (January  13,  1786)  directing  the  commu 
nication  of  this  projected  arrangement  to  be  made  by 
a  circular  letter  to  all  the  other  States,  and  suggesting 
that  all  should  send  deputies  to  attend  a  general 
meeting  to  be  held  at  Annapolis,  in  September  fol 
lowing,  for  the  purpose  "  of  considering  how  far  a 
uniform  system  of  taxation  in  their  commercial  in 
tercourse  and  regulation  might  be  necessary  to  their 
common  interest  and  permanent  harmony;  "  and  also 
for  the  purpose  of  reporting  an  "  act  relative  to  this 
great  object,  which,  when  ratified,  would  enable  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled  effectually  to 
provide  for  the  same." 

The  resolution,  when  first  introduced,  failed  of  its 
passage,  but  being  revived  on  the  last  day  of  the 
session,  and  appearing  then  as  the  only  alternative  of 
adjourning  without  any  effort  to  help  the  Union  in  the 
crisis  of  its  affairs,  it  obtained  a  general  vote ;  "  less 
however,"  says  Mr.  Madison,  "with  some  of  its 
friends,  from  a  confidence  in  the  success  of  the  experi 
ment,  than  from  a  hope  that  it  might  prove  a  step  to 
a  more  comprehensive  and  adequate  provision  for  the 
wants  of  the  Confederacy."  Many  States  had  already 
conferred  upon  Congress  the  power,  more  or  less 
limited  in  time  and  restricted  in  operation,  of  im 
posing  duties  upon  importations.  Virginia,  there 
fore,  was  not  more  advanced  in  wisdom  than  her 
neighbors ;  but  she  had  the  good  fortune  to  urge  the 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  165 

course  through  which  the  resurrection  of  the  mori 
bund  nation  was  ultimately  effected.  This  course 
was  the  revisory  convention. 

Forthwith  Hamilton  resolved  that  this  hand 
stretched  forth  from  the  South  should  be  firmly 
grasped  by  another  friendly  hand  coming  to  meet  it 
from  the  North.  Could  he  have  induced  his  State  to 
accept  the  revenue  system  proposed  to  the  country  by 
Congress  in  1783,  he  might  have  been  content.  The 
need  for  a  purely  commercial  convention  would  then 
be  slight.  But  he  had  no  hope  of  any  such  consum 
mation;  he  strove  for  it  indeed,  but  he  strove  with 
the  faintest  expectation  of  a  success  which  finally  he 
did  not  achieve.  In  default  of  accomplishing  this, 
his  purpose  was  to  have  a  deputation  from  New  York 
present  at  the  proposed  gathering.  His  views  were, 
however,  more  far-reaching  than  could  be  implied  by 
the  language  of  Virginia,  for  his  intimate  friend  and 
coadjutor-^Troup  writes  that  he  had  not  any  partiality 
for  a  commercial  convention,  otherwise  than  as  a 
stepping-stone  to  a  general  convention  to  form  a  gen 
eral  constitution.  "  In  pursuance  of  his  plan,  the  late 
Mr.  Duer,  the  late  Colonel  Malcolm,  and  myself  were 
sent  to  the  State  legislature  as  part  of  the  city  dele 
gation,  and  we  were  to  make  every  possible  effort  to 
accomplish  Hamilton's  objects."  The  result  of  these 
efforts  "  to  accomplish  Hamilton's  objects  "  was  emi 
nently  satisfactory.  The  same  narrator  says :  u  We 
went  all  our  strength  in  the  appointment  of  com 
missioners  to  attend  the  commercial  convention, 
in  which  we  were  successful.  The  commissioners 
were  instructed  to  report  their  proceedings  to  the 
next  legislature :  Hamilton  was  appointed  one  of 


166  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

them.  Thus  it  was  that  he  was  the  principal  instru 
merit  to  turn  this  State  to  a  course  of  policy  that 
saved  our  country  from  incalculable  mischief,  if  not 
from  total  ruin."  Benson,  Duane,  Robert  R.  Liv 
ingston,  and  Robert  C.  Livingston  were  appointed 
deputies  together  with  Hamilton ;  but  of  them  all 
only  Hamilton  and  Benson  appear  to  have  at 
tended. 

The  delegates  came  together  at  Annapolis,  but  the 
meeting  was  not  very  encouraging.  Five  States  only 
were  represented,  —  a  puny  inception  of  an  enterprise 
of  which  the  grand  development  could  not  be  fore 
known.  These  few  delegates,  not  being  prophets 
but  only  brave  and  resolute  men,  could  hardly  escape 
misgivings  that  they  were  about  to  utter  such  winged 
words  as  would  fly  far  above  the  careless  ears  of 
their  fellow-countrymen.  Yet  it  was  their  duty  to 
utter  the  words  whatever  might  be  the  fate  in  reserve 
for  the  utterance,  and  they  were  not  men  to  shun  a 
duty.  An  address  to  the  States  in  the  shape  of  a 
report  to  the  legislatures  of  Virginia,  Delaware,  Penn 
sylvania,  New  Jersey,  and  New  York  was  drawn  and 
agreed  to,  and  the  Convention  broke  up,  having  con 
sumed  only  three  or  four  days  in  this  business  and 
being  powerless  to  accomplish  any  thing  farther. 
Commissioners  had  been  appointed  by  New  Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  North  Caro 
lina,  but  had  not  seen  fit  to  be  at  the  trouble  of 
attending.  Connecticut,  Maryland,  South  Carolina, 
and  Georgia  had  apparently  taken  no  notice  whatso 
ever  of  the  matter.  It  was  vain  to  do  more  than  put 
forth  an  address  in  the  absence  of  any  delegation 
from  so  many  States. 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  167 

Judge  Benson  says  that  the  draft  was  by  Hamilton, 
although  he  was  not  formally  one  of  the  committee 
nominated  to  compose  it.  As  at  first  framed,  the  in 
strument  set  forth  very  elaborately  and  undisguisedly 
the  grave  condition  of  the  country  and  the  imperative 
necessity  for  a  powerful  government.  But  Governor 
Edmund  Randolph  objected  to  it  as  too  strong ; 
whereupon  Madison  said  to  Hamilton :  "  You  had 
better  yield  to  this  man,  for  otherwise  all  Virginia 
will  be  against  you."  The  indifference  of  so  many 
States  and  delegates  gave  the  same  warning.  Accord 
ingly  the  appeal  was  toned  down  and  weakened  to 
suit  tender  stomachs,  and  in  this  its  second  and 
milder  shape  was  adopted  by  the  "  convention  "  and 
sent  throughout  the  country.  The  address  expressed 
the  "  earnest  and  unanimous  wish "  of  the  commis 
sioners  that  a  general  convention  should  speedily  be 
called.  The  delegates  from  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
and  Virginia  had  been  authorized  to  consider  only 
matters  relating  to  commerce  and  trade.  But  New 
Jersey  had  empowered  her  deputies  to  consider  other 
important  matters  pertaining  to  the  common  inter 
est  and  permanent  harmony  of  the  several  States. 
In  her  instructions,  therefore,  was  opened  the  door 
for  Hamilton's  more  comprehensive  scheme ;  and  he 
ventured  to  submit  an  opinion  that  such  an  extension 
of  powers  was  an  improvement  on  the  original  plan, 
and  would  deserve  to  be  incorporated  into  that  of  a 
future  convention. 

Thus  guardedly  was  it  necessary  to  broach  the  idea 
of  any  fundamental  reform  by  recourse  to  vague 
generalizations  and  words  which  might  not  offend 
by  any  accurate  specification,  but  of  which  the  pecul- 


168  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

iar  merit,  as  it  turned  out,  lay  precisely  in  that  large 
indefiniteness  of  their  scope  and  significance. 

Accordingly  the  convention  unanimously  urged  the 
"  appointment  of  commissioners  to  meet  at  Philadel 
phia  on  the  second  Monday  in  May  next,  to  take  into 
consideration  the  situation  of  the  United  States,  to 
devise  such  farther  provisions  as  shall  appear  to  them 
necessary  to  render  the  constitution  of  the  federal  gov 
ernment  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union,  and 
to  report  such  an  act  for  that  purpose  to  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  as  when  agreed  to  by 
them  and  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  legislature  of 
every  State  will  effectually  provide  for  the  same." 

From  about  1770  onward  for  a  period  of  a  quarter 
of  a  century  the  student  of  American  history  will 
usually  find  that  the  hardest  political  struggles  oc 
curred  in  the  State  of  New  York.  There  the  oppos 
ing  factions,  powerful  and  strongly  convinced,  were 
not  unevenly  divided  in  point  of  numbers,  while 
adventitious  circumstances  causing  victory  to  incline 
now  to  one  side  and  now  to  the  other  prevented  the 
inertia  of  despair  from  settling  upon  either  party. 
Governor  Clinton,  whose  opponents  were  already 
styled  the  friends  of  "  continental  politics,"  led  the 
party  of  State  rights.  Nine  years  of  successive  in 
cumbency  in  the  governorship  had  naturally  brought 
him  to  regard  the  State  of  New  York  as  peculiarly 
his  own.  Its  magnification  was  his  magnification. 
In  it  he  was  naturally  chief;  but  in  the  mingling 
of  thirteen  States  combining  to  form  one  integral 
people,  it  was  impossible  to  say  at  what  lower  level 
he  might  find  himself  stranded.  Every  movement 
therefore  which  looked  towards  the  accomplishment 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  169 

of  such  an  alliance  was  regarded  by  him  with  dis 
favor.  As  his  long  series  of  administrations  gave 
token  of  the  strength  and  popularity  which  he  en 
joyed,  so  also  they  of  course  tended  to  increase  and 
organize  his  political  power.  He  was  as  formidable 
an  antagonist  as  could  well  be  encountered.  A  dan 
gerous  feature  of  his  power  lay  in  its  prevalence 
with  the  masses.  The  intelligent,  thinking  part  of  the 
community  were  generally,  though  it  certainly  cannot 
be  said  unanimously,  arraj^ed  against  him.  But  upon 
his  side  were  ignorance  and  short-sighted  selfishness 
in  full  force.  For  the  geographical  situation  of  New 
York,  aided  by  legislation  which  could  be  only  tem 
porarily  successful  but  which  temporarily  had  been 
very  successful,  had  brought  commerce  and  wealth 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson.  Multitudes  refused  to 
see  that  this  prosperity  would  be  of  brief  duration 
unless  a  change  of  policy  could  be  effected. 

When  the  question  of  conferring  a  permanent  rev 
enue  upon  Congress  arose,  Hamilton  entered  with  his 
whole  heart  into  the  fight  against  this  dangerous 
opponent.  He  wrote  a  memorial  couched  in  the 
most  earnest  language,  and  caused  it  to  be  widely 
distributed  throughout  the  State.  In  this  he  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  New  York  now  stood 
"almost  alone  in  a  non-compliance  with  a  measure 
in  which  the  sentiments  and  wishes  of  the  Union  at 
large,  appeared  to  unite,  and  by  a  farther  delay  might 
render  herself  responsible  for  consequences  too  seri 
ous  not  to  affect  every  considerate  man ;  that  all  the 
considerations  important  to  a  State,  all  the  motives 
of  public  honor,  faith,  reputation,  interest,  and  safety 
conspired  to  urge  a  compliance  with  that  measure ; 


170  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

that  government  without  revenue  could  not  subsist ; 
that  the  mode  provided  in  the  Confederation  for 
supplying  the  treasury  of  the  United  States  had  in 
experiment  been  found  inadequate ;  .  .  .  that  as  to 
danger  in  vesting  the  United  States  with  these  funds, 
the  memorialists  considered  their  interests  and  liber 
ties  as  not  less  safe  in  the  hands  of  their  fellow-citi 
zens  delegated  to  represent  them  for  one  year  in 
Congress,  than  in  the  hands  of  their  fellow-citizens 
delegated  to  represent  them  for  one  or  four  years  in 
the  Senate  and  Assembly  of  this  State."  Verily, 
there  was  need  to  speak  such  hot  words  ;  they  were 
required  to  burn  their  way  through  the  thick  crust 
of  selfish  error,  deep  down  to  the  intelligent  convic 
tion  of  the  people. 

The  election  to  the  State  legislature  supervening 
at  this  time,  the  grand  crucial  question  which  sepa 
rated  the  opposing  parties  was  this  of  a  national  rev 
enue.  Clinton  entered  upon  the  struggle  like  an 
autocrat ;  for  in  the  masses  which  rallied  around 
him  none  stood  forth  as  his  peer  or  even  as  second 
in  rank.  On  the  other  side,  many  men  of  nearly 
equal  talent  and  authority  were  combined,  notably 
Colonel  Hamilton,  Chancellor  Livingston,  and'  Gen 
eral  Schuyler.  Hamilton  himself  had  the  good  for 
tune  to  secure  an  election  from  the  city  of  New  York 
to  the  Assembly. 

The  legislature  assembled  in  January,  1787.  The 
first  trial  of  strength  came  about  in  this  manner: 
The  preceding  legislature  had  been  brought  to  the 
point  of  granting  the  desired  revenue  to  Congress, 
but  had  made  the  duties  payable  in  State  paper,  had 
reserved  to  the  State  the  sole  power  of  levying  and 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  171 

collecting  the  duties,  and  had  made  the  officials 
amenable  exclusively  to  the  State  courts.  The  ad 
vantage  of  what  was  given  by  this  enactment  was 
annihilated  by  what  was  withheld.  Congress  could 
not  accept  it  as  a  compliance  with  their  proposition ; 
but  cheered  by  the  faint  symptoms  of  a  change  of 
feeling,  and  harassed  by  accumulating  arrears  of  for 
eign  indebtedness,  they  applied  to  Governor  Clinton 
to  convene  the  legislature  again,  in  the  hope  that  in 
the  present  emergency  and  weighty  crisis  of  public 
affairs  a  reconsideration  might  remove  the  defects  in 
the  recent  legislation.  That  gentleman  deigned  to 
reply  in  most  deferential  language,  but  fully  denied 
the  request,  on  the  ground  that  there  was  not  such 
an  "extraordinary  occasion"  as  the  law  required. 
In  his  address  to  the  new  legislature,  the  governor 
laid  before  that  body  the  resolutions  of  Congress  and 
the  correspondence  which  had  passed,  and  sought  to 
justify  his  own  action. 

A  committee,  upon  which  Hamilton  was  named, 
was  appointed  to  draft  a  reply.  Their  report  was 
consonant  with  the  sentiments  of  the  speech  in  every 
respect,  save  only  concerning  the  matter  of  the  ex 
traordinary  session,  which  was  simply  passed  by  in 
silence.  But  not  thus  could  the  contest  be  averted. 
Forthwith  a  member  moved  to  amend  by  adding  an 
approval  of  the  governor's  course  in  reference  to  the 
congressional  request.  A  fierce  discussion  at  once 
began  ;  whereupon  the  mover,  as  if  astounded  at  the 
acrimonious  debate  which  he  had  opened,  proposed  to 
withdraw  his  motion.  But  he  was  refused  permission 
to  do  so.  The  governor's  friends  were  confident  of 
their  strength,  were  resolved  to  demonstrate  it,  and 


172  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

had  it  in  mind  to  achieve  a  triumph  which  should 
utterly  dishearten  and  demoralize  their  opponents. 
But  for  the  moment  their  victory  was  postponed  by 
an  agreement,  made  in  the  interest  of  peace,  that 
the  committee  should  rise  and  report  again.  When 
the  matter  came  up  a  second  time,  a  conciliatory 
amendment  was  moved,  with  the  purpose  on  the  part 
of  the  minority  of  making  a  drawn  battle.  It  was 
proposed  to  justify  the  action  of  the  governor  upon 
the  ground  of  the  great  expense  which  an  extra  ses 
sion  would  have  involved.  In  favor  of  this  substitute 
Hamilton  made  a  long  and  admirable  speech,  followed 
by  a  series  of  fluent  Clintonian  harangues,  to  which 
he  again  replied.  But  words  uttered  to  predetermined 
men  upon  a  partisan  issue  are  breath  wasted.  The 
governor's  party  could  count  the  requisite  votes  with 
unquestionable  certainty  ;  they  were  resolved  to  have 
their  triumph,  and  they  had  it.  But  their  enemies  in 
good  season  reaped  its  fruits. 

The  result  of  this  hard-fought  contest  might  fairly 
have  been  regarded  as  a  test  vote,  and  the  party  of 
"  continental  politics "  could  not  have  been  blamed 
had  they  hesitated  to  enter  into  another  pitched  bat 
tle.  But  they  were  men  of  that  stamp  that  they 
did  not  readily  acknowledge  an  irremediable  defeat, 
especially  where  a  matter  of  principle  was  involved. 
Accordingly  they  soon  introduced  a  bill  to  grant  to 
Congress  the  desired  authority  to  levy  and  collect 
taxes  on  imports.  They  succeeded  in  getting  it 
referred  to  a  committee,  and  on  February  15  the 
measure  was  brought  up  for  final  action.  Hamilton 
made  a  speech  which  was  unanswered  and  unanswer 
able,  but  of  course  was  also  ineffectual. 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  173 

One  head  only  of  the  many  which  he  touched  upon 
will  be  adverted  to  here,  and  that  for  the  purptse  of 
showing  how  fully  he  understood  the  peculiar  weak 
ness  of  a  federal  government.  The  great  cry  of 
the  opponents  of  the  impost  was,  that  to  confer 
so  extensive  and  interesting  a  power  upon  Con 
gress  would  be  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  the 
States.  Hamilton  was  at  great  pains  to  show  the 
utter  groundlessness  of  any  such  dread.  After  speak 
ing  to  this  issue  with  much  earnestness,  he  said: 
"  There  is  one  consideration  of  immense  force  in  this 
question  not  sufficiently  attended  to.  It  is  this,  — 
that  each  State  possesses  in  itself  the  full  power  of 
government,  and  can  at  once  in  a  regular  and  con 
stitutional  way  take  measures  for  the  preservation 
of  its  rights.  In  a  single  kingdom  or  State  if  the 
rulers  attempt  to  establish  a  tyranny,  the  people 
can  only  defend  themselves  by  a  tumultuary  insur 
rection.  They  must  run  to  arms  without  concert  or 
plan.  .  .  .  With  us  the  case  is  widely  different. 
Each  State  has  a  government  completely  organized 
in  itself,  and  can  at  once  enter  into  a  regular  plan  of 
defence  with  the  force  of  the  community  at  its  com 
mand.  It  can  immediately  form  connections  with  its 
neighbors,  or  even  with  foreign  powers  if  necessary. 
In  a  contest  of  this  kind  the  body  of  the  people 
will  always  be  on  the  side  of  the  State  government. 
.  .  .  Though  the  States  will  have  a  common  interest, 
yet  they  will  also  have  a  particular  interest,  .  .  .  and 
particular  interests  have  always  more  influence  upon 
men  than  general.  The  several  States  therefore,  con 
sulting  their  immediate  advantage,  may  be  considered 
as  so  many  eccentric  powers  tending  in  a  contrary 


174  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

direction  to  the  government  of  the  Union,  and  as 
they  will  generally  carry  the  people  along  with  them 
our  Confederacy  will  be  in  continual  danger  of 
dissolution.  This  is  the  real  rock  upon  which  the 
happiness  of  this  country  is  likely  to  split.  This  is 
the  point  to  which  our  fears  and  care  should  be 
directed.  To  guard  against  this,  and  not  to  terrify 
ourselves  with  imaginary  dangers  from  the  spectre 
of  power  in  Congress,  will  be  our  true  wisdom." 

The  present  generation  has  lived  through  times 
which  have  proved  the  truth  of  these  words.  The 
late  civil  war  showed  Hamilton  to  be  a  true  seer  in 
these  political  prophecies.  We  have  seen  how  rap 
idly  and  easily  the  State  governments  can  institute 
a  compact  and  formidable  rebellion,  "  with  the  force 
of  the  community  at  their  command."  We  have 
seen  how  naturally  they  glide  into  connections  with 
each  other.  We  have  good  reason  to  know  how 
much  more  strongly  the  "  particular  interests "  of 
the  individual  State  will  often  appeal  to  its  citizens 
than  the  general  interests  of  the  Union.  No  one 
will  now  deny  the  power  of  the  State  governments 
"  to  carry  the  people  along  with  them."  Nor  after 
a  war  of  four  years,  caused  by  the  dashing  of  the 
ship  of  State  against  "  this  rock,"  will  any  one  ques 
tion  the  truth  of  the  foreboding  that  it  was  upon  this 
rock  that  "  the  happiness  of  the  country  was  likely 
to  split."  All  this  seems  very  simple  and  plain  to 
those  who  have  seen  the  facts  illustrate  the  truths. 
Under  such  circumstances  it  does  not  so  much  appear 
clever  to  have  foretold  these  occurrences  as  singularly 
dull  not  to  have  believed  in  them.  To  this  it  can 
only  be  replied  that  from  Hamilton  alone  came  this 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  17f5 

forcible  exposition,  and  that  he  could  not  convince 
nearly  a  majority  of  his  fellow-legislators  of  the 
soundness  of  his  arguments.  Yet  the  speech  unques 
tionably  did  much  good.  The  chamber  was  crowded 
with  the  most  intelligent,  thoughtful,  and  public- 
spirited  citizens  attracted  thither  by  the  occasion, 
and  abundant  evidence  proved  the  impressions  which 
had  been  made.  Hamilton  rallied  twenty-one  mem 
bers  in  support  of  the  impost ;  but  thirty-one  voted 
against  it  without  even  attempting  to  answer  him, 
—  a  fact  which  led  to  the  remark  that  the  "  impost 
was  strangled  by  a  band  of  mutes." 

A  long  chapter  might  be  written  about  Hamilton's 
other  labors  in  the  State  legislature,  but  it  would 
probably  be  a  chapter  which  few  persons  would  read, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  circumstances  of  the  times 
gave  rise  to  much  business  of  a  high  order  of  import 
ance  and  dignity.  His  position  as  chairman  of  the 
committee  on  expiring  laws,  with  the  additional 
function  of  introducing  such  new  legislation  as  might 
seem  expedient,  was  very  influential.  In  pursuance 
of  these  duties  he  labored  hard  to  prevent  legislation 
in  contravention  of  the  treaty  of  peace  ;  he  corrected 
gross  theoretical  blunders  in  a  proposed  system  for 
regulating  elections,  and  strove  hard  though  not  alto 
gether  successfully  to  eliminate  religious  restrictions ; 
he  succeeded  in  preventing  the  disfranchisement  of  a 
great  number  of  persons  for  having  been  interested, 
often  unwillingly,  in  privateering  ventures ;  he  stayed 
some  absurd  laws  proposed  concerning  the  qualifica 
tions  of  candidates  for  office  ;  in  the  matter  of  taxa 
tion  he  substituted  for  the  old  method  of  an  arbitrary 
official  assessment,  with  all  its  gross  risks  of  error  and 


176  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

partiality,  the  principle  of  allowing  the  individual  to 
return  under  oath  his  taxable  property  ;  he  labored 
hard  to  promote  public  education  by  statutory  regu 
lations  ;  his  "  first  great  object  was  to  place  a  book 
in  the  hand  of  every  American  child,"  and  he 
evolved  a  sj^stem  which  served  as  the  model  of  that 
promulgated  in  France  by  the  imperial  decree  of 
1808 ;  he  had  much  to  do  with  the  legislation  con 
cerning  the  relations  of  debtor  and  creditor,  then 
threatening  to  dissever  the  whole  frame  of  society ; 
he  was  obliged  to  give  no  little  attention  to  the  de 
partment  of  criminal  law  ;  finally  he  had  to  play  a 
chief  part  in  settling  the  long  and  perilous  struggle 
concerning  the  "  New  Hampshire  grants,"  the  region 
now  constituting  the  State  of  Vermont :  his  efforts  in 
this  matter  chiefly  averted  war  and  brought  the  first 
new  State  into  the  Union.  From  this  imperfect  rec 
ord  it  may  be  conceived  that  he  was  not  idle  during 
this  period  of  his  life.  But  there  is  not  room  to  nar 
rate  all  that  he  found  opportunity  to  do,  and  it  is 
time  to  return  from  this  digression  to  the  considera 
tion  of  national  affairs. 


PAKT    II. THE     CONVENTION. 

The  hopes  of  those  who  sought  to  preserve  the 
Union  were  now  centred  in  bringing  together  the 
proposed  convention  at  Annapolis.  The  favorable 
action  of  Congress  was  an  essential  preliminary,  for 
the__present  articles  of  confederation  gave  to  Con 
gress  the  right  to  inaugurate  any  needful  changes  in 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  177 

the  frame  of  government.  Powerless  as  those  arti 
cles  j\vere_to  coerce  the  reluctant  action  of  men,  yet 
any  manifest  disrespect  toward  them  would  at  once 
h a vg  aroused  a  fatal  degree  of  suspicion  and  ennait] 
For  the,  people  had  not  been  long  enough  in  the  pos 
session  of  their  hard-won  liberty  to  feel  at  ease  con- 
cerning_jt :  they conceived  it  to  be  a  prize  which 
every  one  was  seeking  to  wrest  or  pilfer  from  them. 
They  would  have  received  with  a  wild  wrath  any 
man  who  should  have  openly  proposed  to  form  a  new 
system  of  government,  and  would  tolerate  no  bolder 
suggestion  than  a  modification  of  the  existing  system. 
To  Congress,  therefore,  application  must  be  made  in 
the  first  instance,  in  order  to  avoid  so  far  as  possible 
the  dangerous  cry  of  unconstitutionally  ;  and  pain 
ful  it  is  to  narrate  that  an  ignoble  fear  of  parting 
with  the  shadowy  and  insignificant  power  resting  in 
that  effete  body  induced  a  large  proportion  of  its 
members  to  oppose  the  measure.  Many  months 
elapsed,  and  a  new  session  was  convened,  before  the 
friends  of  the  great  scheme  dared  to  take  a  vote.  It 
was  only  after  infinite  labor  and  anxiety  that  they 
finally  secured  the  congressional  sanction. 

The  next,  and  perhaps  even  greater,  task  lay  in 
persuading  the  States  to  send  delegates.  It  was 
rather  inertia  than  hostility  which  had  to  be  en 
countered  in  these  bodies.  Had  the  real  purport  of 
the  movement  been  understood,  the  opposition  would 
doubtless  have  mustered  in  sufficient  force  to  pre 
vail  ;  but  the  party  which  afterward  so  vehemently 
and  almost  successfully  struggled  against  the  adop 
tion  of  the  Constitution  was  now  carelessly  quies 
cent.  Few  of  its  members  anticipated  any  important 

VOL.   I.  12 


178  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

results  from  the  gathering,  and  it  was  the  contempt 
felt  by  their  opponents  which  first  enabled  the  federal 
party  to  gain  a  substantial  base  of  operations.  For 
tunately  these  men  who  still  "  thought  continentally  " 
were  as  energetic  as  the  States-rights  party  was  negli 
gent,  and  by  their  untiring  zeal  they  succeeded  in 
procuring  the  appointment  of  a  delegation  from  every 
State  save  Rhode  Island.  That  community  by  a 
cleverly  arranged  impost  had  thus  far  succeeded  in 
exacting  indirect  tribute  from  her  neighbors,  and  she 
had  no  notion  of  imperilling  in  any  patriotic  scheme 
her  ample  private  emolument. 

In  some  few  States  there  was  rather  hot  fighting, 
and  as  usual  this  was  the  case  nowhere  else  to  so 
great  an  extent  as  in  the  legislature  of  New  York. 
There  Clinton  and  Hamilton,  champions  in  this  con 
test,  —  the  one  powerfully  representing  the  old  order 
of  things,  the  other  vigorously  advancing  the  new,  — 
met  in  a  dubious  encounter.  Each,  in  addition  to  his 
personal  endeavors,  brought  to  bear  all  the  influence 
which  he  could  command.  Clinton  stood  like  an  old 
general  at  the  head  of  his  veteran  army  of  well-drilled 
and  trusty  voters,  having  also  some  able  lieutenants 
around  him.  Hamilton,  without  this  efficient  follow 
ing  of  accustomed  and  unquestioning  adherents,  had 
the  valuable  aid  of  Schuyler  and  the  Livingstons. 
This  was  much,  but  not  enough ;  and  he  was  obliged 
if  he  would  succeed  to  win  a  further  large  number 
of  votes  by  sheer  force  of  argument  and  the  exposi 
tion  of  the  superior  merit  of  his  cause.  He  carried 
the  day,  but  narrowly.  The  Assembly  was  induced 
to  pass  a  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  five  dele 
gates  to,  the  Convention.  The  Senate,  not  friendly 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  179 

to  the  measure  yet  not  quite  ready  to  take  the  respon 
sibility  of  killing  it  altogether,  cut  the  number  down 
to  three.  The  choice,  made  by  the  two  bodies  jointly, 
fell  upon  Chief  Justice  Robert  Yates,  John  Lans 
ing,  Jr.,  and  Alexander  Hamilton.  The  temper  in 
which  the  vote  was  passed  may  be  judged  from  the 
fact  that  the  two  first-named  gentlemen  were  opposed, 
notoriously  and  beyond  any  fear  of  change,  to  the 
scheme  of  the  Convention  and  to  any  and  all  meas 
ures  of  "  continental  politics."  Thus  a  majority  of 
the  delegation  could  be  depended  upon  to  prove 
stanch  and  consistent  obstructionists  of  all  the  sub 
stantial  purposes  for  which  the  meeting  was  called. 

Hamilton  however  had  won  what  deserved  to  be 
called  a  triumph,  valuable  though  imperfect.  New 
York  was  at  least  to  be  represented ;  he  himself 
also  was  to  have  a  hand  in  the  work  of  the  Conven 
tion,  and  that  work  might  be  well  done  in  spite  of 
some  disaffection  in  the  body  itself.  One  desperate 
effort  Hamilton  made  to  help  matters  a  little,  dread 
ing  that,  if  the  Convention  should  adopt  the  rule  of 
voting  by  States,  the  vote  of  New  York  would  be 
persistently  wrong.  He  proposed  to  add  two  dele 
gates,  and  suggested  as  a  list  of  names  from  which 
they  might  be  chosen,  Chancellor  Livingston,  Mr. 
Duane,  Mr.  Benson,  and  John  Jay.  It  was  hoped  that 
the  eminent  fitness  of  any  and  all  these  gentlemen 
for  the  labors  in  contemplation  might  induce  the 
legislature  to  strengthen  the  weight  of  the  delega 
tion  by  selecting  two  from  among  them.  But  the 
attempt  was  in  vain.  Hamilton's  personal  influence 
carried  the  resolution  safely  through  the  Assembly, 
only  to  have  it  lost  in  the  Senate  chamber  where 


180  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

his  voice  could  not  be  heard  in  its  behalf,  and  where 
Clinton  had  an  invincible  majority. 

Thus  was  another  step  taken  towards  that  consum 
mation  which  for  seven  long  years,  in  the  face  of 
every  obstacle  which  active  enmity  had  been  able  to 
place  in  his  way,  of  every  discouragement  which  dis 
trustful  indifference  had  created,  Hamilton  had  stead 
fastly  pursued.  The  first  recorded  opinion  of  the 
necessity  for  a  Convention  to  draft  an  efficientv  coer 
cive,  national  constitution  came  from  him.  In  1780, 
long  before  the  Articles  of  Confederation  had  been 
adopted,  he  wrote  a  long  and  earnest  letter  to  James 
Duane,  the  burden  whereof  was  his  conviction  of  the 
existence  of  this  grand  need.1  It  is  upon  the  strength 
of  this  letter,  that  the  honor  is  claimed  for  Hamilton 
of  being  the  first  to  conceive  and  recommend  the 
scheme  of  a  Convention  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
an  entirely  new  system  of  union  and  government,  and 
so  far  as  I  am  aware  it  is  true  that  no  other  expres 
sion  of  the  same  opinion  is  to  be  found  of  the  like 
early  date.  But  the  communication  was  made  only 
in  private  correspondence,  and  the  first  public  propo 
sition  to  the  same  effect  is  found  in  a  pamphlet  pub 
lished  in  May,  1781,  written  by  one  Pelatiah  Webster, 
"  an  able  though  not  a  conspicuous  citizen  "  accord 
ing  to  the  description  of  Mr.  Madison.  Probably  this 
obscure  writer's  lucubrations  were  not  so  much  read 
or  considered,  as  by  their  merits  they  should  have 
been.  At  any  rate,  beyond  the  fact  that  they  dwelt 
in  Mr.  Madison's  memory,  no  trace  of  their  influence 
can  be  found ;  and  the  next  and  more  efficient  move 

i  See  George  T.  Curtis'  "  History  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,"  Vol.  I.  pp.  204,  205. 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  181 

came  from  Hamilton,  at  whose  suggestion  it  was  that 
in  the  summer  of  1782  the  legislature  of  New  York 
was  persuaded  to  pass  resolutions  recommending  the 
holding  of  such  a  Convention.  To  us  at  the  present 
day  the  scheme  seems  so  simple  and  so  obvious,  that 
we  find  some  difficulty  in  believing  that  it  was  not 
present  in  the  minds  of  many,  even  from  the  earliest 
moment  when  the  insufficiency  of  the  Revolutionary 
union  began  to  become  apparent.  Perhaps  it  was  so, 
yet  it  should  be  remembered  that  at  that  period  no 
such  Convention  had  ever  assembled ;  history  recorded 
no  such  event ; 1  and  certainly  it  is  strange  that  the 
notion,  if  really  prevalent,  should  have  left  no  sign 
of  its  existence  save  only  in  the  correspondence  of 
Hamilton.  It  is  probable  that  he  first  entertained  the 
idea  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  his  persistent  advocacy  was 
the  strongest  among  the  several  influences  which 
finally  achieved  its  success.  And  though  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  Convention  which  assembled  at 
Annapolis  in  May  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  fruit  of 
the  exertions  of  any  single  man,  and  that  the  most 
strenuous  labor  of  a  great  number  heartily  cooperat 
ing  was  alone  competent  to  accomplish  this  result, 
yet  among  the  contributions  of  all  these  resolute 
toilers  it  is  undeniable  that  the  efforts  of  Hamilton 
stand  forth  as  the  oldest  in  date,  the  most  conspicu 
ous,  the  most  incessant,  and  the  most  efficient.  This 
was  due  in  part,  doubtless,  to  the  native  ardor  of  his 
temperament.  But  beyond  this,  his  firm  adherence 
to  the  principles  of  strong  government,  as  well  as  his 
comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  national  affairs  and 

1  Curtis'   "History  of  the   Constitution  of  the   United   States," 
Vol.  I.  p.  374,  et  seq. 


182  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

full  appreciation  of  the  needs  and  defects  of  the  exist 
ing  system,  naturally  inspired  him  with  a  zeal  greater 
than  that  of  men  holding  more  democratic  doctrines, 
or  less  keenly  dissatisfied  with  the  present  order  of 
things. 

In  the  Convention,  Madison,  Wilson,  Colonel  Mason, 
Randolph,  King,  Luther  Martin,  Rutledge,  Gerry, 
and,  by  procuration,  Franklin,  appear  to  have  been 
frequent  and  elaborate  debaters.  They  spoke  con 
tinually,  and  eacli  one  of  them  had  something,  gen 
erally  a  great  deal,  to  say  upon  nearly  every  topic 
which  was  discussed.  It  is  needless  to  add  that 
whatever  any  one  of  them  said  was  always  well 
worth  listening  to.  It  is  certainly  a  mistake  to  at 
tribute  to  Hamilton  any  equally  active  part  in  the 
actual  composition  of  the  Constitution.  His  name  is 
so  inseparably  connected  with  it,  and  quite  rightfully 
so,  that  an  incorrect  notion  is  prevalent  with  many 
persons  to  the  effect  that  he  assisted  greatly  in 
framing  it.  The  truth  is,  that  the  debt  which  the 
people  of  the  United  States  owe  to  him  is  largely 
for  bringing  about  the  assembling  of  the  Consti- 
tutional  Convention ;  still  more  largely,  after  the 
adjournment  of  that  body,  for  his  brilliant  labors,  by 
his  writings  and  otherwise,  in  securing  the  adoption 
of  the  proposed  Constitution.  In  both  these  depart 
ments  his  exertions  were  much  more  conspicuous, 
more  effective,  and  more  valuable  than  was  the  part 
which  he  played  in  the  debates.  Indeed  it  is  certain 
that  in  these  debates  Hamilton  appears  compara 
tively  seldom  as  a  speaker.  This  may  be  accounted 
for,  however,  without  much  difficulty.  Partly,  it 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  he  was  unavoidably  absent 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  183 

from  the  sittings  during  a  large  proportion  of  the 
time ;  and,  as  it  happened,  these  absences  so  fell  as 
to  include  the  sessions  at  which  the  most  exciting  and 
interesting  points  were  under  consideration.  But 
absence  is  by  no  means  the  only  reason,  for  when 
present  he  found  himself  in  an  embarrassing  position. 
Sitting  as  a  deputy  from  New  York,  he  was  yet  not 
in  harmony  with  the  sentiments  of  the  majority  of 
the  legislators  who  were  his  constituents.  He  was  a 
delegate  without  being  a  representative,  —  a  situation 
in  which  men  have  seldom  been  apt  to  do  much  or 
useful  work.  He  was  not  in  accord  with  his  coad 
jutors  ;  and  those  gentlemen  being  two  to  one  were 
able  to  cast  the  vote  of  their  State,  and  in  fact  did 
cast  that  vote,  invariably  contrary  to  the  convictions 
and  wishes  of  Hamilton.  It  was  quite  right  under 
the  circumstances  that  they  should  do  so,  but  the 
result  was  of  course  extremely  hampering  and  vex 
atious  to  him.  He  could  not  speak  as  the  possessor 
of  any  derived  authority,  but  only  as  an  individual. 
Nor  would  prudence  permit  him  to  array  himself  in 
public  too  often  and  too  energetically  in  antagonism 
to  his  colleagues,  and  to  the  well-known  feelings  of 
those  who  had  generously  sent  him  out  of  regard  to 
the  interest  he  had  manifested  in  the  subject-matter, 
and  in  spite  of  their  own  dislike  of  his  views.  Their 
courtesy  and  liberality,  as  he  himself  said,  demanded 
some  recognition  and  return  from  him.  To  this  may 
be  added  that,  of  the  two  main  schemes  or  outlines 
which  came  before  the  Convention,  neither,  as  is  well 
known,  by  any  means  satisfied  him.  He  had  notions 
of  his  own,  which  in  spite  of  all  the  foregoing  con 
siderations  he  might  have  advocated  with  force,  had 


184  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

there  been  any  opportunity  for  doing  so,  any  possi 
bility  of  securing  their  adoption.  In  good  season  he 
did  set  them  before  the  meeting.  But  he  did  not  very 
powerfully  feel  the  incentive  to  enter  into  a  contest 
in  behalf  of  the  measures  of  others,  which  to  him 
seemed  to  fall  far  short  of  the  requisite  strength  ; 
neither  could  he  contend  vigorously  in  behalf  of 
clauses  in  which  he  had  only  a  half  faith,  as  against 
clauses  in  which  he  had  no  faith  at  all. 

A  strong  and  extensive  influence  was  inevitably 
exercised  outside  the  doors  of  the  Convention  and 
apart  from  the  regular  debates.  In  conversations 
with' each  other  during  the  hours  not  devoted  to  for 
mal  business,  the  members  did  much  in  the  way  of 
explaining  and  furthering  their  respective  theories. 
In  these  conferences  Hamilton  was  peculiarly  fitted 
to  succeed.  His  ardent  and  fascinating  manner,  his 
fluency,  his  thorough  mastery  of  the  whole  subject 
of  government,  made  him  a  peculiarly  able  and  per 
suasive  talker  in  all  such  conversations.  Not  then 
hampered  by  the  knowledge  that  he  was  speaking  in 
some  sort  on  the  behalf  or  as  the  representative  of 
persons  to  whom  what  he  said  must  notoriously  be 
distasteful,  but  able  as  a  private  gentleman  to  utter 
his  own  beliefs  and  thoughts  with  full  vigor  and  ear 
nestness,  he  carried  persuasion  in  his  strong  sentences 
and  sent  his  theories  filtrating  deeply  through  the 
material  of  the  Convention.  Thus  tradition  tells  us 
that  he  accomplished  much,  and  such  a  tradition  can 
easily  be  believed. 

But  to  the  foregoing  remarks  justice  requires  that 
there  should  be  added  a  contradiction  of  the  idea 
which  some  writers  have  rather  insinuated  than 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  185 

openly  expressed.  This  idea  is,  that  Hamilton  ad 
vocated  with  some  feeling  a  plan  utterly  different 
from  that  which  the  Convention  adopted,  but  that  he 
was  over-ridden,  his  views  pointedly  condemned,  and 
a  scheme  adopted  in  direct  contravention  of  them 
and  wholly  distasteful  to  him.  There  is  ever  so 
meagre  a  foundation  of  truth  in  this  picture.  Ham 
ilton  did  present  a  sketch  of  a  Constitution  quite 
different  from  that  which  was  adopted,  and  he  was 
not  wholly  pleased  with  the  result  of  the  labors  of 
the  Convention.  But  it  is  absurd  to  say  that  he 
offered  a  scheme  which  was  rejected,  for  he  offered  it 
avowedly  with  no  view  to  its  adoption.  He  there 
fore  failed  in  no  undertaking.  He  explained  his 
viewrs  with  the  deliberate  and  express  admission  of 
their  singularity,  and  without  the  most  distant  ex 
pectation  upon  his  own  part  that  they  would  com 
mend  themselves  to  his  colleagues.  He  simply 
wished  to  utter  his  sentiments,  and  he  made  no  effort 
whatsoever  to  induce  others  to  adopt  them,  well 
knowing  and  frankly  confessing  at  many  different 
times  the  utter  hopelessness  and  impossibility  of  any 
such  result.  He  was  praised  by  everybody  though 
followed  by  none,  as  a  prominent  member  of  the 
Convention  said  a  few  days  after  the  delivery  of  his 
great  speech.  He  was  as  far  from  occupying  the 
position  of  a  defeated  or  disappointed  advocate  of 
unsatisfactory  doctrines  as  was  any  delegate  in  the 
body.  But  of  this  more  hereafter. 

The  chief  and  distinguishing  trait  of  the  political 
system  of  the  United  States  is  its  duplex  form.  Two 
governments  are  in  operation  side  by  side,  on  the 
same  soil,  over  the  same  individuals.  We  are  so 


186  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

accustomed  to  the  spectacle,  that  it  not  only  does  not 
strike  us  as  strange,  but  on  the  contrary  most  per 
sons  would  say  that  a  marked  characteristic  of  our 
polity  is  its  plain  simplicity.  So  differently  does  a 
theory  look  before  and  after  it  has  been  tried  in  its 
practical  working!  Until  General  Washington  was 
installed  as  the  first  President  of  the  United  States, 
no  such  plan  of  government  had  ever  been  attempted. 
The  world  had  seen  an  abundance  of  so-called  fed 
eral  governments ;  but  in  all  such  the  authority  of  the 
federation  had  been  exercised  upon  the  bodies  politic 
which  were  its  component  members.  There  had  been 
no  national  power  directly  reaching  the  individual. 
The  systems  of  this  kind  had  been  leagues,  not 
nations.  Such  had  been  the  nature  of  the  bond  which 
had  hitherto  held  together  the  United  States ;  the  sev 
eral  States  in  their  capacity  as  sovereign  powers  had 
entered  into  a  compact  with  each  other,  agreeing  to 
confer  certain  specified  functions  upon  Congress.  But 
Congress  did  not  govern  a  nation ;  it  could  exert  no 
power  in  respect  of  any  individual,  or  any  description 
of  property ;  it  could  compel  no  citizen  to  obedience  ; 
could  touch  no  money  save  such  as  the  States  might 
pay  into  its  coffers. 

A  government  of  this  kind  could  have  no  strength, 
could  expect  no  perpetuity.  To  make  the  United 
States  a  respectable  power,  even  to  insure  their  pro 
longed  existence,  a  radical  change  in  the  whole  sys 
tem  of  their  union  must  be  effected.  The  consoli 
dation  of  the  federation  was  more  necessary  on  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic  than  it  would  have  been  upon 
the  other,  for  here  there  was  no  external  pressure  to 
supplement  a  deficiency  in  the  adhesive  principle; 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  187 

whereas  in  Europe  such  a  pressure,  constantly  exerted 
upon  all  sides  by  rival  or  hostile  peoples,  had  long 
held  together  leagues  and  federations  which  if  left 
subject  to  internal  influences  alone  would  soon  have 
fallen  hopelessly  asunder.  Hamilton  saw  and  appre 
ciated  in  all  its  fulness  this  condition  of  things,  and 
this  indispensable  requisition  of  the  country.  So  did 
many  another  of  the  observant  and  reflecting  minds 
which  had  been  led  to  political  wisdom  by  a  long 
course  of  thorough  and  anxious  training,  beginning 
far  back  upon  the  memorable  Fourth  day  of  July, 
A.D.,  17T6. 

But  if  many  recognized  the  character  of  the  need, 
very  few  had  any  comprehension  of  the  means  by 
which  alone  it  could  be  satisfied.  The  idea  of  two 
governments  authoritative  throughout  the  same  coun 
try,  in  respect  of  the  same  persons  and  the  same 
things,  seemed  to  many  altogether  incomprehensible, 
to  many  others  an  absurdity,  and  to  nearly  all  an 
impossibility.  Able  and  clear-headed  men  pronounced 
the  scheme  equally  illogical  and  impracticable ;  and 
not  a  few  persons  distinguished  by  high  intellectual 
ability  remained  of  this  creed,  until  the  successful 
working  of  the  new  government  in  respect  of  their 
own  persons  and  affairs  literally  forced  upon  them  the 
refutation  of  their  opinions.  It  is  probable  that  at  the 
present  day  any  clever  school-boy  would  believingly 
aver  that  he  would  not  have  been  slow  to  suggest  the 
duplex  system,  had  he  lived  in  the  troubled  period 
succeeding  the  peace  with  Great  Britain.  Yet  in 
truth  it  was  the  greatest  political  invention  ever 
evolved  since  mankind  first  began  to  frame  for  them 
selves  systems  of  government.  It  is  simple,  as  the 


188  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

greatest  truths  are  ever  the  simplest.  But  it  lay  long 
hidden  from  the  wisest  minds,  and  after  it  had  been 
revealed  to  a  few  of  them  it  was  still  vigorously 
combated  by  numbers  of  intelligent  unbelievers. 
Such  incredulity  and  scoffing  as  was  encountered  by 
Galileo  was  to  a  considerable  extent  encountered 
by  Hamilton. 

The  glory  of  having  been  the  first  to  suggest  the 
design  of  the  double  government  has  been  claimed 
for  Hamilton  upon  good  but  not  undisputed  grounds. 
The  fact  doubtless  is  that  the  time  had  arrived  when 
this  truth  must  have  become  known  to  mankind.  As 
in  science  there  have  been  strange  instances  of  coin 
cidence  in  the  independent  discovery  by  different 
persons  at  nearly  the  same  times  of  great  and  pre 
viously  unknown  principles,  leading  some  to  say  that 
a  predestined  order  in  the  revelation  of  knowledge  to 
man  has  been  decreed,  so  it  is  unquestionable  that 
the  circumstances  existing  in  the  United  States  for  a 
few  years  following  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
would  inevitably  have  led  to  the  enunciation  of  this 
same  doctrine,  if  not  by  one  person  then  by  another. 
The  hour  for  the  revelation  was  at  hand.  It  is  prob 
able  enough  that  a  few  of  the  more  advanced  thinkers 
were  all  following  the  same  road  leading  to  the  same 
goal,  and  though  not  in  communication  yet  were  not 
far  apart  from  each  other  in  the  march.  In  the  inner 
most  chambers  of  many  busy  minds  it  may  be 
believed  that  the  same  premises,  arguments,  facts, 
were  leading  to  substantially  identical  conclusions. 

But  be  this  as  it  may,  certain  it  is  that  Hamilton's 
correspondence  contains  the  first  distinct  proposition 
of  the  broad  general  principle.  It  was  not  then 


THE    CONSTITUTION.  189 

elaborated  by  him  in  any  degree.  The  great  complex 
machinery  of  American  government  was  not  to  be 
found,  even  in  embryo,  in  these  earliest  suggestions. 
But  the  one  all-important  principle,  without  which 
this  machinery  could  never  have  come  into  existence, 
was  by  him  for  the  first  time  set  forth  and  insisted 
upon  as  a  possible,  practicable  arrangement.  This  he 
did  in  urging  that  specific  revenues  should  be  granted 
to  the  Congress,  which  should  belong  to  that  body 
and  be  collected  by  it  through  officers  amenable  to  it, 
stationed  in  the  States  and  coming  directly  in  contact 
with  individuals.  The  scheme  was  derided  by  some, 
distrusted  by  others ;  and,  having  been  thrown  out 
before  the  people  were  ready  to  receive  it,  the  seed 
lay  upon  the  soil  through  a  hard  season  of  trial  and 
misfortune  till  the  time  came  when  it  could  take  root 
and  grow  into  prosperous  strength. 

Not  a  little  aid  for  the  new  idea  was  derived  from 
the  universal  despair.  The  people  were  in  that  con 
dition  in  which,  having  failed  to  find  relief  from  the 
medicines  in  which  they  had  hitherto  believed,  they 
were  ready  to  take,  though  without  faith,  what  they 
conceived  might  be  the  nostrums  of  quacks.  So 
they  were  ready  to  make  experiment  even  of  a  sys 
tem  of  government  which  seemed  to  them  self- 
contradictory,  ridiculous,  chaotic.  Nor  can  it  be 
doubted  that  many  prominent  persons  were  by  this 
unhappy  temper  first  induced  to  entertain  thoughts 
of  the  new  scheme.  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  if  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
the  country  could  have  been  canvassed,  so  as  to  dis 
cover  the  inmost  convictions  of  each  citizen  con 
cerning  the  scheme  of  that  document,  those  who 


190  LIFE   OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

distrusted  its  success  would  have  been  a  considerable 
majority.  If  this,  or  even  if  any  tolerably  near  ap 
proach  to  this,  was  indeed  the  real  state  of  feeling 
after  several  months  of  public  discussion  and  active 
proselytism,  after  the  publication  of  the  "  Federalist  " 
papers  and  the  arguments  in  the  State  conventions, 
how  vastly  more  prevalent  must  such  sentiments 
have  been  in  the  period  immediately  preceding  the 
assemblage  of  the  Convention  and  pending  its 
sessions ! 

But  it  is  time  that  we  should  come  to  the  actual 
work  of  the  Convention.  It  was  summoned  to  meet 
at  Philadelphia  on  May  14,  1787.  At  the  appointed 
time,  however,  few  of  the  delegates  were  present,  and 
it  was  not  until  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  that  month 
that  a  sufficient  number  had  come  together  to  make 
it  advisable  to  proceed.  Upon  that  day  nine  States 
were  represented ;  namely,  Massachusetts,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia.  The  Conven 
tion  organized,  and  General  Washington  was  unani 
mously  chosen  president.  Three  days  later  the  rules 
were  adopted,  and  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  the 
month  the  regular  business  was  begun.  Judge  Yates 
and  Hamilton  were  present  on  May  25,  but  Mr.  Lan 
sing  did  not  take  his  seat  until  June  2. 

On  May  29,  the  first  business  day,  Edmund  Ran 
dolph,  of  Virginia,  submitted  to  the  Convention  the 
outline  of  a  plan  of  government  which  became  known 
as  "  the  Virginia  plan."  It  provided  for  a  Congress 
of  two  branches,  the  one  to  be  elected  by  the  people, 
the  members  whereof  should  be  subject  to  recall ; 
the  other  to  be  chosen  by  the  members  of  the  first 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  191 

branch  from  a  number  of  names  to  be  suggested  by 
the  State  legislatures  respectively.  There  was  to 
be  a  national  executive,  —  not  eligible  for  a  second 
term,  —  with  general  authority  to  enforce  the  na 
tional  laws,  and  invested  with  the  executive  powers 
conferred  by  the  articles  of  confederation  upon  Con 
gress.  There  was  also  to  be  a  national  judiciary  with 
appropriate  functions.  The  executive  and  certain 
members  of  the  judiciary  were  to  compose  a  "  Coun 
cil  of  Revision,"  with  power  to  veto  any  national  or 
State  legislation,  though  the  legislature  might  by  a 
sufficient  majority  pass  the  law  over  the  veto.  The 
rights  of  suffrage  in  both  Houses  were  to  be  propor 
tioned  to  the  quotas  of  contribution,  or  to  the  num 
ber  of  free  inhabitants,  as  one  or  the  other  rule  might 
seem  best  in  different  cases.  The  legislature  was  to 
be  empowered  to  pass  laws  "  in  all  cases  to  which  the 
States  are  incompetent,  or  in  which  the  harmony  of 
the  United  States  may  be  interrupted  by  the  exercise 
of  individual  legislation,"  also  to  negative  all  State 
laws  (subject,  however,  to  the  approval  of  the  coun 
cil  of  revision)  which  should  contravene  the  articles 
of  union  or  any  treaty,  and  to  call  forth  the  force  of 
the  Union  against  a  recalcitrant  member.  A  repub 
lican  government  and  integrity  of  territory  were  to 
be  guaranteed  to  each  State. 

Though  only  a  portion  even  of  the  main  ideas  of 
this  scheme  were  preserved  in  the  final  draft,  its  im 
portance  is  not  to  be  measured  by  this  degree  of  its 
ultimate  success,  but  by  the  fact  that  it  contained 
within  itself  the  germinal  principles  of  a  general  or 
national  government.  For  this  reason  it  was  adopted 
as  a  base  of  operations  by  the  party  in  favor  of  a  new, 


192  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

strong,  and  comprehensive  plan.  •  It  was  their  point 
of  departure,  from  which  they  pushed  onward  to  the 
consummation  which  they  finally  achieved. 

Two  or  three  weeks  later,  Mr.  Patterson  sub 
mitted  to  the  Convention  the  plan  of  the  opposing 
party,  thereafterward  known  as  "  the  New  Jersey 
plan."  This  had  for  its  object  the  "revision,  cor 
rection,  and  amendment "  of  the  present  Articles  of 
Confederation.  It  yielded  the  power  to  levy  duties 
on  imports ;  to  impose  a  stamp-tax ;  to  collect  post 
age  through  the  establishment  of  a  general  post- 
office  ;  to  regulate  foreign  and  domestic  trade  and 
commerce.  The  principle  of  requisitions  was  not 
given  up  but  was  only  strengthened,  and  that  too 
more  in  appearance  than  in  reality,  by  a  proviso 
that  Congress  might  pass  acts  directing  and  au 
thorizing  the  collection  in  delinquent  States.  The 
assent  of  a  certain  number  of  States  was  necessary 
to  the  exercise  of  these  powers.  An  executive  to 
"  consist  of persons  "  was  to  be  elected  by  Con 
gress,  and  to  be  removable  also  by  the  same  body 
upon  application  made  by  a  majority  of  the  execu 
tives  of  the  several  States.  Such  executive  was  to 
be  ineligible  a  second  time,  to  have  a  general  author 
ity  to  execute  federal  acts,  to  appoint  federal  officers 
and  direct  military  operations.  There  was  to  be  a 
national  judiciary  endowed  with  a  jurisdiction  some 
what  less  extensive  than  that  conferred  by  the 
Virginia  plan.  Treaties  made  and  laws  passed  by 
Congress  were  to  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land, 
and  in  case  of  obstruction  presented  by  any  State 
the  federal  executive  was  authorized  to  "  call  forth 
the  power  of  the  confederated  States "  to  compel 
obedience. 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  193 

The  concessions  made  in  this  plan  to  meet  acknowl 
edged  exigencies  were  more  colorable  than  substan 
tial.  The  effort  in  drafting  it  had  been  to  make  it 
plausible  rathei  than  effective.  It  was  intended  to 
tide  over  the  immediate  difficulties,  and  was  presented 
and  supported  by  persons  who  admitted  themselves 
unalterably  hostile  to  a  consolidated  or  powerful  gov 
ernment.  In  short,  it  was  the  same  old  cask  with 
the  old  hoops  driven  down  just  a  very  little  more 
tightly  over  the  staves,  and  two  or  three  new  but 
loose  hoops  added. 

The  question,  then,  which  Hamilton  had  to  deter 
mine  in  shaping  his  own  course  was,  whether  or  not 
he  could  give  his  allegiance  to  either  of  these  schemes. 
The  New  Jersey  one  must  be  at  once  ruled  out ;  it 
represented  the  very  ideas  which  for  many  years  it 
had  been  the  main  purpose  of  his  life  to  extirpate 
from  the  minds  of  the  people.  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  could  he  enlist  among  the  friends  of  the  Vir 
ginia  plan  ?  If  it  did  not  meet  his  views,  yet  neither 
in  its  present  shape  did  it  meet  the  views  of  any 
large  proportion  of  its  backers.  It  was  obviously 
destined  to  be  altered  in  many  essential  respects,  in 
deed  not  improbably  to  be  so  changed  as  barely  to 
maintain  its  identity.  Beyond  the  preservation  of 
its  fundamental  principle  of  a  national,  consolidated 
government  nothing  farther  could  be  predicted  as 
likely  to  survive  the  ordeal  of  eager  discussion  to 
which  it  was  evidently  to  be  subjected.  Moreover, 
an  important  consideration  was  that  no  stronger  or 
more  centralized  frame  of  government  than  could  be 
developed  out  of  this  embryo  was  likely  to  be  adopted. 
To  aim  for  more  might  well  result  in  the  loss  of  all. 

VOL.    I.  13 


194  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Was  it  not  the  part  of  wisdom  and  duty  to  assist  in 
compassing  the  greatest  attainable  good,  and  to  refrain 
from  imperilling  a  possible  improvement  by  striving 
for  an  impossible  perfection  ? 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  such  reflections  as 
these  did  not  exercise  a  just  influence  with  Hamilton  ; 
yet  his  peculiar  situation,  though  in  some  respects 
embarrassing  and  vexatious,  in  other  particulars 
brought  some  partially  compensating  advantages. 
Had  he  really  represented  New  York  and  been  able 
to  control  or  affect  her  vote,  he  might  have  felt 
obliged  to  range  himself  with  the  Virginia  party. 
But  he  appeared  only  as  an  individual,  exerting  such 
moral  and  intellectual  influence  as  he  was  able,  and 
therefore  raised  above  the  necessity  of  timidly  con 
sulting  expediency.  Thus  his  position  in  the  Con 
vention  was  altogether  exceptional,  and  as  he  felt 
entailed  both  privileges  and  obligations  correspond 
ingly  peculiar. 

The  nature  of  the  great  struggle  in  the  Convention 
was  already  develop*^  •  ij^was  between  the  advo- 
ca^tes  of  a  strong  government  and  the  a_dvocates  of  a 
weak  one_._  The  administration  of  a  good  stringent 
tonic  to  the  body  might  prove,  and  in  fact  did  prove, 
a  timely  and  efficient  assistance  to  the  former  party. 
Hamilton  stood  forward  as  the  physician  to  give  the 
much-needed  medicine.  It  could  be  offered  by  no 
professed  adherent  of  either  section.  He  accordingly, 
as  he  almost  alone  of  all  the  members  of  the  Conven 
tion  could  do  with  safety  and  propriety,  separated 
himself  from  all  connection  with  either  scheme  and 
came  forward  with  a  scheme  of  his  own.  Had  others 
done  likewise,  endless  distraction  would  inevitably 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  195 

have  resulted  and  the  Convention  would  have  been 
dissolved  in  chaos.  One  of  the  most  honorable  trib 
utes  which  can  be  paid  to  its  members  is  that  they 
did  not  egotistically  advance  favorite  individual  plans, 
and  obstinately  ride  their  several  hobbies  in  every 
direction  away  from  the  centre  of  a  common  opinion. 
But  Hamilton  incurred  no  peril  of  creating  division 
and  dissension.  As  an  independent  member,  he  laid 
before  the  Convention  a  draft  of  a  constitution  pre 
pared  by  himself,  and  in  every  respect  as  elaborate 
and  comprehensive  as  the  one  which  was  ultimately 
adopted. 

It  was  with  no  expectation  or  even  any  glimmering 
hope  that  it  might  be  adopted,  that  this  plan  was  put 
forth.  Not  in  his  most  sanguine  moments  did  its 
author  anticipate  for  it  any  such  success.  He  under 
stood  the  position  perfectly.  He  knew  that  the  friends 
of  the  Virginia  plan  might  be  greatly  aided  by  what 
he  could  say.  His  plan  formed  a  sufficient  pretext 
for  the  delivery  of  a  long  and  carefully  prepared 
speech  in  which  he  enforced  with  much  power  the 
manifold  advantages  and  the  indispensable  necessity 
of  a  strong,  consolidated  national  government ;  and, 
after  the  transitory  words  of  the  speech  had  been 
uttered,  the  scheme  which  it  illustrated  would  re 
main  as  a  compendious  expression  of  the  constitu 
tional  creed  of  one  who  was  known  to  have  thought 
and  studied  longer  and  more  deeply  concerning  the 
science  of  government  than  almost  any  one  of  his 
contemporaries. 

It  was  on  June  18  that  Hamilton  presented  his 
plan  to  the  Convention.  Apparently  it  was  intro 
duced  by  a  speech  in  which  the  Virginia  and  New 


196  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Jersey  plans  were  discussed  ;  and  then  after  his  draft 
had  been  read,  it  would  seem  that  he  farther  gave  an 
elaborate  explanation  of  it  with  a  full  exposition  of 
his  own  doctrines  as  to  the  best  form  of  government. 
Unfortunately  no  satisfactory  report  of  his  address 
remains.  Mr.  Madison  says  that,  just  as  he  was  fin 
ishing  the  sketch  which  appears  in  the  "  Madison 
Papers,"  Hamilton  happened  to  call  upon  him,  and 
reading  it  over  approved  its  accuracy  and  suggested 
only  a  few  verbal  changes.  But  Hamilton  occupied 
the  floor  during  a  whole  session  of  five  or  six  hours 
with  the  delivery  of  his  remarks ;  indeed  no  other  busi 
ness  was  done  in  that  day's  session  beyond  listening 
to  him,  and  passing  without  debate  a  single  resolu 
tion  ;  whereas  Madison's  report  can  be  read  through 
aloud  in  about  twenty  minutes.  From  this  it  follows 
that  this  report  must  be  a  miniature  very  much  re 
duced  from  life-size,  or  else  that  it  is  only  a  report  of 
the  introductory  speech  and  not  of  what  was  said 
after  the  plan  had  been  presented.  The  language  of 
a  foot-note  of  Mr.  Madison  gives  some  ground  for  the 
latter  supposition. 

A  brief  of  his  chief  points  had  been  prepared  by 
Hamilton  and  is  preserved  among  his  papers.  It 
is  sufficiently  full,  when  read  by  the  light  of 
his  views  declared  in  the  "Federalist"  and  in  the 
State  convention  of  New  York,  to  furnish  the  ba 
sis  of  a  statement  of  his  general  theory  of  govern 
ment  and  of  his  sentiments  concerning  the  present 
emergency. 

Three  lines  of  conduct  alone  existed  or  had  been 
suggested,  to  wit :  — 

I.  A  league  offensive  and  .defensive  between  the 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  197 

States  ;  a  treaty  of  commerce,  and  an  apportionment 
of  the  public  debt. 

II.  An  amendment  of  the  present  confederation 
by  adding  thereto  such  new  and  further  powers  as 
public  opinion  might   seem   sufficiently  matured  to 
grant. 

III.  The  formation  of  a  new  government  to  pervade 
the  whole  country,  and  to  be  endued  with  "  decisive 
powers,"  —  a  government  in  which  should  be  reposed 
a  "complete  sovereignty." 

The  first  alternative  was  too  obviously  bad  to 
be  openly  urged  in  preference  to  nobler  and  more 
comprehensive  plans. 

The  second  alternative  was  the  Clintonian  heresy. 
As  we  now  read  the  history  of  that  era  it  seems 
easy  to  see  that  these  advocates  of  a  reformation  of 
the  Articles  of  Confederation  were  from  the  outset 
doomed  to  defeat.  There  is  an  indefinite  some 
thing  in  their  language,  which  marks  it  as  that  of 
the  party  which  is  to  be  worsted.  Be  it  a  covert 
ill-temper,  or  a  lack  of  self-confidence  or  energy 
in  tone,  or  other  obscure  fact,  yet  something  surely 
gives  us  the  sense  of  recognizing  this  predestina 
tion  long  before  the  chapters  of  the  historian  dis 
close  it  to  us.  Certain  it  is  that  gradually  but 
steadily  they  lose  ground  and  seem  to  shrink  in  im 
portance,  in  a  manner  and  to  a  degree  not  easily  to 
be  accounted  for  in  view  of  the  advantages  with  which 
they  entered  into  the  contest.  Yet  to  those  who 
took  part  in  the  conflict  this  foreshadowing  of  its 
result  and  gradual  withering  of  one  faction  was  far 
from  being  thus  clearly  visible.  A  great  dread  dwelt 
in  the  hearts  of  those  who  "  thought  continentally." 


198  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

If  they  did  not  despair  of  victory  they  were  by  no 
means  assured  of  gaining  it.  It  was  only  with  the 
lapse  of  time  that  the  slow  growth  of  public  opinion 
began  to  give  them  increased  courage,  and  it  was 
doubtless  chiefly  from  policy  but  partly  also  because 
by  this  time  he  began  really  to  feel  a  livelier  hope 
fulness  from  the  development  of  the  sentiment  of 
the  members,  that  Hamilton  ventured  to  note  in  his 
brief  that  the  third  or  last  alternative  "  seems  to  be 
the  prevailing  sentiment." 

As  for  the  two  rival  plans  coming  from  Virginia 
and  New  Jersey,  he  very  frankly  at  the  outset  con 
fessed  himself  "unfriendly  to  both."  The  Virginia 
plan  was  not  sufficiently  strong  and  centralized  in 
view  of  the  vast  area  of  the  country  to  be  governed. 
The  gravity  of  this  objection  will  not  be  vividly  ap 
preciated  to-day  without  an  effort,  to  such  a  degree 
has  distance  been  annihilated  by  modern  inventions. 
At  that  time  to  ask  any  person  to  go  to  Congress 
was  to  request  him  to  travel  perhaps  half  the  length 
of  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  either  on  horseback  or  by 
uncomfortable  coaches  or  more  uncomfortable  coast 
ing  vessels.  After  his  arrival  at  the  capital  his  com 
munications  with  home,  whether  for  business  or  for 
pleasure,  must  be  slow,  infrequent,  uncertain.  The 
sacrifice  was  such  as  few  men  with  ability  enough 
to  create  strong  affiliations  in  their  own  neighbor 
hoods  would  be  induced  to  make.  Yet  the  very  ex 
tent  of  territory,  as  it  increased  the  diversity  of 
interests,  made  a  full  and  able  representation  all  the 
more  indispensable  to  the  preservation  of  a  submis 
sive  and  harmonious  temper  in  the  widely  sundered 
parts. 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  199 

Then,  too,  great  distance  exerts  a  kind  of  physical 
effect  upon  the  minds  of  men.  This  psychological 
truth  came  home  with  peculiar  force  to  Hamilton, 
accustomed  as  he  was  to  study  human  nature  with 
close  attention  and  a  rare  insight.  That  we  have 
not  seen  stronger  illustrations  of  it  is  due  to  the  rail 
road  and  the  telegraph.  Without  these  appliances 
does  any  one  suppose  that  a  government  sitting  in 
Washington  would  long  continue  peacefully  to  rule 
St.  Louis  or  New  Orleans,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
Pacific  slopes?  Especially  difficult  would  it  be  to 
extend  an  arm  over  such  a  distance  for  the  purpose 
of  plunging  the  hand  into  the  pockets  of  the  people ; 
and  Hamilton  prophesied  the  difficulty  of  collecting 
revenues,  a  difficulty  which  the  Congress  of  the  con 
federation  had  found  insuperable  even  when  enjoy 
ing  the  aid  derived  from  the  closest  proximity. 

Later,  when  the  Constitution  was  before  the  people, 
and  its  merits  were  the  subject  of  strong  vindication 
in  the  famous  letters  of  "  Publius,"  since  known  as  the 
"  Federalist,"  Hamilton  found  his  own  suggestions 
used  against  himself.  The  anti-constitution  party 
sedulously  inculcated  the  doctrine  that  it  was  chimeri 
cal  to  think  of  bringing  so  vast  a  country  within  the 
operation  of  one  general  system,  and  asserted  that 
resort  must  necessarily  be  had  to  "separate  confed 
eracies  of  distinct  portions  of  the  whole."  Yet  these 
same  objectors  were  at  this  same  time  opposing  the 
Constitution  because  it  was  too  energetic  a  system. 
Hamilton  readily  exposed  the  inconsistency  of  the 
arguments  of  those  who  in  one  breath  said  that 
the  government  would  not  be  strong  enough  to 
rule,  and  in  the  next  complained  that  it  was  so 


200  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

powerful  that  it  might  be  expected  to   erect  itself 
into  a  tyranny. 

The  idea  of  thirteen  separate  sovereignties  was 
too  preposterous  to  find  any  advocates.  Those  who 
contemplated  dismemberment  with  equanimity,  or 
even  desire,  seemed  "generally  turned  towards  three 
confederacies,  —  one  consisting  of  the  four  Northern, 
another  of  the  four  Middle,  and  a  third  of  the  five 
Southern  States."  Hamilton  declared  that  such  a 
division  would  in  no  respect  help  matters.  The 
persons  who  feared  a  strong  government  would  find 
just  as  strong  a  government  necessary  in  each  of 
these  three  confederacies  as  was  now  proposed  for 
the  whole  Union.  Each  one  of  these  smaller  divi 
sions  would  be  nearly  commensurate  with  the  island 
of  Great  Britain;  and  a  government  having  suffi 
cient  vigor  to  operate  over  such  a  territory  must 
have  sufficient  vigor  to  operate  over  a  much  greater 
area.  "  Civil  power,  properly  organized  and  exerted, 
is  capable  of  diffusing  its  force  to  a  very  great  extent ; 
and  can  in  a  manner  reproduce  itself  in  every  part 
of  a  great  empire  by  a  judicious  arrangement  of 
subordinate  institutions." 

The  New  Jersey  scheme,  as  has  been  seen,  pre 
served  the  system  of  "  requisitions."  If  any  lesson 
had  ever  been  taught  by  experience,  one  would  sup 
pose  that  the  futility  of  this  method  of  raising  money 
would  long  ere  this  have  taken  its  place  among  politi 
cal  axioms.  But  the  vitality  of  this  error  was  aston 
ishing.  People  clung  to  it  with  a  stubborn,  immovable 
resolution  which  seemed  to  defy  not  only  the  unan- 
swerableness  of  arguments  but  the  demonstration  of 
experience.  To  the  last  moment,  the  writers  in  the 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  201 

"  Federalist  "  had  to  exhaust  all  their  logic  and  their 
eloquence  in  displaying  its  "imbecility,  inequality, 
and  injustice."  They  found  no  other  truth  so  diffi 
cult  to  instil  into  the  popular  mind  as  this  one,  which 
ought  to  have  become  self-evident.  Thus  Hamilton 
was  obliged,  both  in  the  Convention  and  afterwards, 
to  argue  a  question  which  was  difficult  only  by  reason 
of  its  plainness  and  the  staleness  of  the  evidence  to 
be  adduced  against  it.  "  If,"  said  he,  "  States  are  to 
deliberate  on  the  mode,  they  will  also  deliberate  on 
the  object  of  the  supplies,  and  will  grant  or  not  grant 
as  they  approve  or  disapprove  of  it.  The  delinquency 
of  one  will  invite  and  countenance  it  in  others.  Quo 
tas,  too,  must  in  the  nature  of  things  be  so  unequal 
as  to  produce  the  same  evil.  To  what  standard  will 
you  resort?  Land  is  a  fallacious  one.  Compare 
Holland  with  Russia ;  France  or  England  with  other 
countries  of  Europe  ;  Pennsylvania  with  North  Caro 
lina, —  will  the  relative  pecuniary  abilities  in  those 
instances  correspond  with  the  relative  value  of  land  ? 
Take  numbers  of  inhabitants  for  the  rule,  and  make 
like  comparisons  of  different  countries,  and  you  will 
find  it  to  be  equally  unjust.  The  different  degrees 
of  industry  and  improvement  in  different  countries 
render  the  first  object  a  precarious  measure  of  wealth. 
Much  depends  too  upon  situation.  Connecticut, 
New  Jersey,  and  North  Carolina,  not  being  commer 
cial  States  and  contributing  to  the  wealth  of  the 
commercial  ones,  can  never  bear  quotas  assessed  by 
the  ordinary  rules  of  proportion."  Sooner  or  later 
they  "  will  and  must  fail  in  their  duty.  Their  ex 
ample  will  be  followed,  and  the  Union  itself  be 
dissolved." 


202  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

The  main  purpose  of  the  New  Jersey  plan  was  to 
retain  the  Confederation.  Yet,  says  the  brief,  "  the 
Confederation  intrusts  the  great  interests  of  the  na 
tion  to  hands  incapable  of  managing  them."  Equally 
disheartening  and  undeniable,  these  words  were  but 
the  assertion  of  a  fact  for  which  there  were  two 
obvious  and  potent  causes,  each  reacting  upon  and 
strengthening  the  other  and  yet  either  of  them  alone 
amply  sufficient  to  account  for  the  result.  The  hands 
were  powerless,  because  the  nerves  and  sinews  which 
should  have  given  them  vigor  had  been  carefully 
drawn  out  of  them.  Congress  was  incapable  of  tak 
ing  charge  of  the  national  affairs,  because  it  had  been 
altogether  deprived  of  coercive  authority ;  and  this 
aspect  of  hopeless  impotence  naturally  deterred  men 
of  a  very  high  order  of  ability  from  accepting  the 
useless  position  of  membership.  The  service  of  the 
individual  State, — even  the  business  of  private  life, 
— presented  vastly  greater  opportunities  for  action 
and  enterprise  than  did  the  sessions  of  Congress. 
That  body  was  practically  an  advisory  board,  subject 
to  the  extreme  humiliation  of  seeing  its  advice  in  all 
interesting  cases  generally  disregarded.  It  was  well 
known  that  of  late  it  had  been  composed  almost 
wholly  of  men  of  the  second  and  third  rank  in  re 
spect  of  ability  and  influence.  On  the  rare  occasions 
when  a  man  of  the  first  rate,  like  Madison,  was  per 
suaded  to  attend  the  sittings,  his  presence  rather 
served  as  a  measure  by  which  to  ascertain  the  gen 
eral  low  level  of  the  Assembly  than  effected  an 
appreciable  advance  in  its  average  character. 

Thus,  of  the  two  defects  each  helped  the  other, 
and  each  presented  an  obstruction  to  the  cure  of  the 


THE   CONSTITUTION. 


other.  Because  Congress  was  feeble,  the  best  men 
would  not  enter  it.  But  since  such  power  as 
a  purely  deliberative  body  can  acquire  must  grow 
out  of  its  moral  and  intellectual  prestige,  it  followed 
that  the  lower  Congress  sank  in  the  quality  of  its 
component  material  the  less  attractions  it  was  able 
to  hold  out  by  which  to  obtain  good  material.  The 
weaker  it  grew  the  poorer  became  the  class  of  men 
who  would  serve  in  it;  and  the  more  mediocre  the 
character  of  the  members  the  less  influential  must 
the  body  itself  become.  Down  these  two  parallel 
and  mutually  assistant  grooves  Congress  had  been 
slipping  at  a  steadily  accelerating  pace  for  a  consid 
erable  time  past,  and  the  progress  promised  to  con 
tinue.  The  brakes  which  the  Jersey  ites  wished  to 
apply  were  quite  unequal  to  the  extremity  of  the 
danger.  There  was  but  one  remedy  for  this  sad  con 
dition  of  things,  and  that  remedy  was  to  empower 
those  to  whom  a  task  was  set  to  accomplish  the  task  ; 
to  do  away  with  the  stultification  of  imposing  a  duty 
and  taking  away  the  capacity  to  perform  it.  Give 
the  chosen  governors  authority  to  govern!  Such 
were  the  pleadings  which  fell  from  the  lips  of  all  who 
appreciated  the  crisis,  but  with  especial  vehemence 
and  fervor  from  the  lips  of  Hamilton.  One  would 
think  that  little  proof  or  illustration  of  the  impo 
tence  of  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  and  of 
the  disastrous  results  of  that  impotence  could  be 
needed.  He  who  would  deny  either  might  be  ex 
pected  to  deny  the  roundness  of  the  earth  or  the 
saltness  of  the  sea.  Yet  proof  and  illustration  were 
abundant,  and  were  piled  up  like  heavy  stones  upon 
the  cairn  of  the  dead  system.  For  example,  there 


204  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

were  the  relations  of  the  country  with  foreign  peo 
ples.  Treaties  might  be  made,  but  they  meant 
nothing  when  made.  The  nominal  sovereign,  the 
Congress,  might  agree  to  them ;  the  real  sover 
eigns,  the  States,  might,  and  in  times  not  long  past 
actually  had,  set  them  at  nought.  So  far  had  this 
ridiculous  and  imbecile  condition  of  things  become 
manifest  to  the  statesmen  of  Europe,  that  they 
openly  and  insolently  scoffed  at  the  United  States, 
declared  the  folly  of  entering  into  compacts  with 
such  a  ghostly  and  unreal  shade,  and  proposed  to 
negotiate  with  the  States  individually,  or  otherwise 
not  to  negotiate  at  all. 

This  condition  of  things  was  exercising  a  very  in 
jurious  effect  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  country. 
Political  treaties,  and  engagements  of  alliance,  and 
that  description  of  compacts  so  necessary  betwixt 
European  nations,  might  indeed  be  in  a  great  meas 
ure  if  not  wholly  dispensed  with  by  the  United 
States ;  but  the  business  relationships  of  the  country 
were  yet  to  be  established,  and  that  they  should  be 
well  and  wisely  established  was  a  matter  of  the  first 
importance.  A  national  government  could  turn  its 
attention  to  no  question  of  greater  consequence  than 
the  commercial  connections  of  this  new  comer  among 
the  trading  nations  and  maritime  powers  of  the  world. 
But  the  fundamental  basis  of  commercial  negotiations 
lay  in  the  power  to  regulate  duties  at  home,  to  estab 
lish  uniform  imposts,  and  to  attend  to  the  collection 
thereof  throughout  the  whole  length  of  the  seaboard. 
No  treaty  could  be  made  without  involving  stipula 
tions  of  this  nature ;  yet  no  stipulations  entered  into 
by  Congress  were  of  any  force.  The  customs  were 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  205 

matter  of  State  legislation,  and  exclusively  within 
State  control ;  and  the  States,  in  fact,  insisted  very 
jealously  upon  retaining  this  control. 

Nor  was  foreign  commerce  the  only  portion  of 
the  business  of  the  nation  requiring  a  supervising 
power  which  did  not  exist  in,  and  could  not  possibly 
be  exercised  by,  the  Congress  of  the  Confederation. 
The  States  were  grasping  and  unneighborly  to  a  de 
gree  which  too  obviously  involved  the  gravest  danger. 
Commercial  competition  had  already  aroused  so  much 
ill-feeling  as  to  leave  little  doubt  that  hostilities  must 
in  time  ensue.  There  was  little  to  prevent  the  repe 
tition  upon  this  continent  of  the  history  of  the 
unhappiest  days  of  the  German  empire.  Nor  in 
such  an  emergency  could  Congress  furnish  any  aid. 
Shays's  rebellion  in  Massachusetts  had  but  lately 
demonstrated  the  utter  powerlessness  of  the  national 
government  in  any  violent  conjuncture.  Anarchy 
might  then  have  ensued  so  far  as  any  compulsory 
power  to  prevent  it  was  to  be  sought  in  Congress. 

Neither  could  foreign  aggression  be  warded  off. 
The  common  defence  was  the  business  of  Congress,  if 
it  was  the  business  of  anybody.  Yet  what  could  Con 
gress  do  against  fleets  and  armies?  Could  it  main 
tain  either  for  itself?  The  very  question  opened  a 
dispute ;  how  much  more  surely  would  the  attempt 
create  actual  discord.  Yet  could  a  power,  no  stronger 
than  the  United  States  then  were,  afford  to  remain 
defenceless  till  the  attack  was  actually  begun?  In 
1787-88  a  long  war  with  the  mother  country  had 
just  been  closed,  and  a  conflict  with  a  trans-atlantic 
power  did  not  seem  improbable.  Supposing  a  war 
to  occur,  should  Congress  oppose  eloquent  speeches 


206  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

to  the  roar  of  cannon ;  acts  and  resolves  to  ships 
and  regiments;  requests  to  the  States  for  quotas 
of  troops  to  the  advances  of  disciplined  invaders? 
The  country  might  be  half  conquered  before  it  could 
get  ready  to  fight,  however  full  of  courage  and  zeal 
for  the  fray. 

Money  is  not  only  the  sinews  of  war,  but  it  is 
essential  sustenance  for  the  body  politic  in  time  of 
peace.  Yet  money  Congress  was  seldom  able  to  get. 
So  long  as  it  had  been  able  to  borrow,  it  had  been  able 
to  keep  itself  supplied  with  funds,  for  it  had  been 
permitted  to  run  in  debt  ad  libitum.  The  people 
had  been  quite  indifferent  as  to  the  extent  to  which 
the  national  promises  to  pay  had  been  issued,  and  it 
was  probable  enough  that  this  indifference  might  con 
tinue.  Mr.  Micawber  did  not  distribute  his  notes  of 
hand  more  cheerfully.  But  there  is  a  natural  and  in 
evitable  end  to  this  description  of  financial  resource, 
and  in  1787-88  that  end  appeared  at  last  to  have  been 
definitively  reached  by  the  United  States.  The  civil 
ized  world  had  no  farther  supply  of  persons  who 
were  fools  enough  to  lend  money  to  an  omnivorous 
borrower,  endowed  with  an  infinite  power  of  absorp 
tion,  but  no  power  of  repayment.  The  United  States 
as  a  receiver  of  money  was  a  substantial  entity,  but  as 
a  debtor  became  unreal  and  incorporeal  as  the  shadow 
of  a  shade.  It  took  as  a  nation :  it  defaulted  as  a 
league.  The  manifest  obstacle  in  the  way  of  the 
Congress  was  that,  whereas  the  actual  payment  of 
money  for  its  behoof  must  be  made  by  individuals, 
it  was  able  to  reach  only  communities,  the  sovereign 
States.  To-day  the  government  draws  its  funds 
directly  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  merchants ;  but  the 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  207 

Confederation  could  only  make  a  requisition  on  a  sov 
ereign  power  :  it  could  not  touch  the  actual  cash  or 
the  particular  person.  Some  charitable  State  would 
occasionally  cast  a  pitiful  driblet  into  the  national 
treasury,  a  contribution  rather  resembling  an  alms 
than  the  proceeds  of  a  system  of  national  taxation. 
This  condition  of  things  the  New  Jersey  plan  pro 
posed  to  perpetuate. 

The  most  hopeless  feature  of  the  situation  lay  in 
the  fact  that  this  insolvency  was  not  without  a  color 
of  excuse.  Not  only  were  the  people  very  poor  and 
their  supply  of  ready  money  painfully  scanty,  but  the 
States  found  it  easy  to  pick  really  important  flaws  in 
the  requisitions  made  upon  them.  The  total  sums 
to  be  raised  had  to  be  apportioned,  and  the  appor 
tionment  was  made  upon  a  principle  far  from  satis 
factory.  Imperfect  in  theory,  it  was  presumably 
much  more  imperfect  in  application ;  nor  could  the 
States  be  expected  to  grow  more  submissive  to  it 
as  its  defects  became  more  apparent. 

A  summary  of  the  condition  of  affairs  at  the  time 
of  the  debates  upon  the  new  Constitution  is  con 
tained  in  the  fifteenth  of  the  "  Federalist"  papers,  from 
the  pen  of  Hamilton.  It  is  so  terse,  so  vivid,  and  so 
accurate  a  sketch  as  to  deserve  reproduction. 

"We  may,  indeed,  with  propriety  be  said  to  have 
reached  almost  the  last  stage  of  national  humiliation.  There 
is  scarcely  any  thing  that  can  wound  the  pride  or  degrade 
the  character  of  an  independent  people,  which  we  do  not 
experience.  Are  these  engagements  to  the  performance  of 
which  we  are  held  by  every  tie  respectable  among  men? 
These  are  the  subjects  of  constant  and  unblushing  violation. 
Do  we  owe  debts  to  foreigners  and  to  our  citizens,  contracted 
in  a  time  of  imminent  "peril  for  the  preservation  of  our 
political  existence?  These  remain  without  any  proper  or 


208  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

satisfactory  provision  for  their  discharge.  Have  we  valu 
able  territories  and  important  posts  in  the  possession  of  a 
foreign  power,  which  by  express  stipulations  ought  long  since 
to  have  been  surrendered  ?  These  are  still  retained,  to  the 
prejudice  of  our  interests  not  less  than  of  our  rights.  Are 
we  in  a  condition  to  resent  or  repel  the  aggression  ?  We 
have  neither  troops,  nor  treasury,  nor  government.  Are  we 
even  in  a  condition  to  remonstrate  with  dignity  ?  The  just 
imputations  on  our  own  faith  with  respect  to  the  same  treaty 
ought  first  to  be  removed.  Are  we  entitled  by  nature  and 
compact  to  a  free  participation  in  the  navigation  of  the 
Mississippi  ?  Spain  excludes  us  from  it.  Is  public  credit  an 
indispensable  resource  in  time  of  public  danger  ?  We  seem 
to  have  abandoned  its  cause  as  desperate  and  irretrievable. 
Is  commerce  of  importance  to  national  wealth  ?  Ours  is  at 
the  lowest  point  of  declension.  Is  respectability  in  the  eyes 
of  foreign  powers  a  safeguard  against  foreign  encroach 
ments?  The  imbecility  of  our  government  even  forbids 
them  to  treat  with  us :  our  ambassadors  abroad  are  the  mere 
pageants  of  mimic  sovereignty.  Is  a  violent  and  unnatural 
decrease  in  the  value  of  land  a  symptom  of  national  distress  ? 
The  price  of  improved  land  in  most  parts  of  the  country  is 
much  lower  than  can  be  accounted  for  by  the  quantity  of 
waste  land  at  market,  and  can  only  be  fully  explained  by 
that  want  of  private  and  public  confidence,  which  is  so 
alarmingly  prevalent  among  all  ranks,  and  which  has  a 
direct  tendency  to  depreciate  property  of  every  kind.  Is 
private  credit  the  friend  and  patron  of  industry  ?  That  most 
useful  kind  which  relates  to  borrowing  and  lending  is  reduced 
within  the  narrowest  limits ;  and  this  still  more  from  an 
opinion  of  insecurity  than  from  a  scarcity  of  money.  To 
shorten  an  enumeration  of  particulars  which  can  afford 
neither  pleasure  nor  instruction,  it  may  in  general  be  de 
manded  what  indication  is  there  of  national  disorder,  poverty, 
and  insignificance  that  could  befall  a  community  so  peculiarly 
blessed  with  natural  advantages  as  we  are,  which  does  not 
form  a  part  of  the  dark  catalogue  of  our  public  mis 
fortunes  ?  " 

This  could  not  have  been  a  pleasant  paragraph  for 
the  opponents  of  the  Constitution  to  peruse.  They 
could  find  no  comfort  in  contradiction,  for  every 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  209 

one   of   its   many  discouraging   assertions  could  be 
proved. 

On  the  part  of  a  government,  power  to  be  useful 
implies  power  to  act.  Simple  as  this  truth  is,  yet  it 
took  a  great  deal  of  argument  to  make  a  majority  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  believe  or  consent  to 
apply  it.  By  the  Jerseyites,  a  power  to  vote  that 
something  should  be  done  was  either  honestly  mis 
taken  for  or  dishonestly  represented  as  a  power  to 
compel  the  actual  doing.  It  was  this  fallacy  that  it 
was  most  difficult  to  combat.  Congress  can  do  this 
and  that,  said  the  confederationists  ;  Congress  can  only 
require  this  and  that  to  be  done,  replied  their  adver 
saries.  The  difference  is  plain  enough  now,  but  our 
great-grandfathers  found  much  difficulty  in  seeing  it. 
The  New  Jersey  plan,  it  is  true,  did  empower  Con 
gress  in  certain  extreme  cases  to  call  out  the  military 
power  of  the  Union  against  a  recusant  State.  But,  as 
Hamilton  showed,  this  amounted  to  little  more  than  a 
power  to  initiate  a  civil  war.  Of  course  the  final 
arbitrament  must  always  be  the  recourse  to  arms. 
The  present  generation  has  been  obliged  very  thor 
oughly  to  comprehend  that.  But  the  Jersey  plan 
brought  this  final  arbitrament  close  at  hand,  so  that,  in 
all  human  probability,  if  the  future  should  anywise 
resemble  the  past,  it  would  be  invoked  almost  at  once, 
and  with  a  frequency  which  would  be  stayed  only 
by  proof,  doubtless  soon  to  be  gathered  from  expe 
rience,  of  its  utter  futility.  The  trouble  was,  that 
such  coercive  power  as  the  Confederation,  amended 
according  to  the  Jersey  plan,  could  exercise,  was 
made  operative  immediately  in  a  military  form  against 
a  State ;  that  is  to  say,  against  a  powerful,  organ- 

VOL.    I.  14 


210  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ized,  nearly  independent  and  sovereign  body.  Under 
the  Constitution,  the  coercive  force  of  the  govern 
ment  is  in  the  first  instance  operative  directly  upon 
the  disobedient  individual  and  through  the  pacific 
instrumentality  of  the  courts  of  law.  Some  person 
breaks  a  law ;  proceedings  are  instituted  against  him 
in  the  national  tribunals  of  justice ;  after  adjudica 
tion  the  sheriff,  a  civil  officer,  by  civil  process  exe 
cutes  the  mandate  of  the  law  against  a  private 
person.  The  one  operation  is  warlike,  aggravating, 
and  dangerous;  the  other  is  peaceful,  unobtrusive, 
and  harmless.  But  all  this  seemed  fallacious,  un- 
candid  theorizing  to  the  minds  of  the  party  of  State 
rights. 

Reasons  enough  were  here  adduced,  one  would 
think,  to  show  that  the  Confederation  ought  not  to  be 
amended.  Other  reasons  to  show  that  it  could  not 
be  amended,  or  not  easily  and  with  any  fair  prospects 
of  success,  were  by  no  means  wanting.  Chief  among 
these  Hamilton  mentioned  the  fact  that  the  advocates 
of  amendment  were  not  unanimously  agreed  upon 
what  they  wanted.  Thus  there  was  the  question  of 
first  importance,  the  impost.  If  any  amendments 
at  all  were  to  be  made,  the  first  and  most  valuable 
would  be  to  confer  upon  Congress  the  power  to  levy 
duties.  Yet  for  many  years  no  matter  had  been 
discussed  with  so  little  prospect  of  arriving  at  such 
a  conclusion  as  would  be  generally  acceptable,  or 
likely  to  be  put  into  effectual  operation.  Then  there 
was  the  whole  broad  subject  of  commerce,  of  vital 
importance,  constituting  the  life-blood  of  the  nation. 
Yet  how  many  different  and  clashing  theories  were 
entertained  concerning  it !  The  hope  of  framing  any 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  211 

compact  likely  to  be  faithfully  observed  or  perma 
nently  enduring  was  lamentably  slender. 

But  to  offset  the  unanswerableness  of  all  these 
arguments,  the  party  of  amendment  had  the  ad 
vantage  of  standing  •  on  the  defensive.  Any  thing 
which  came  to  hand  and  could  serve  as  an  obstruc 
tion  they  cast  in  the  path  of  their  adversaries,  with 
out  much  regard  to  its  character.  Their  only  purpose 
was  victory,  or  rather  not  to  be  conquered.  Like 
defendants  in  a  litigation,  it  was  a  matter  of  indif 
ference  to  them  whether  they  could  gain  their  case 
upon  the  merits,  or  whether  they  could  succeed  upon 
technical  grounds.  Even  delay  was  not  unwelcome. 
They  were  content  if  actual  judgment  should  not 
be  given  for  their  opponents.  Accordingly  they 
demurred  to  the  jurisdiction.  Not  satisfied  with 
urging  that  the  country  did  not  need  a  new  Consti 
tution,  they  also  took  the  ground  that  even  if  the 
necessity  existed  the  Convention  had  not  the  author 
ity  to  grant  the  relief  in  that  shape.  In  support  of 
this  view  they  appealed  to  language  of  the  resolu 
tion  of  Congress  under  which  the  Convention  had 
been  called  into  existence  and  was  now  sitting. 
After  reciting  that  "  there  is  a  provision,  in  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  union,  for 
making  alterations  therein  by  assent  of  Congress 
and  the  State  legislatures,"  it  had  been  "Resolved, 
that  in  the  opinion  of  Congress  it  is  expedient 
that  on  the  second  Monday  in  May  next  a  conven 
tion  of  delegates,  who  shall  have  been  appointed 
by  the  several  States,  be  held  at  Philadelphia  for 
the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  Arti 
cles  of  Confederation,  and  reporting  to  Congress 


212  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

and  the  several  legislatures  such  alterations  and  pro 
visions  therein  as  shall,  when  agreed  to  in  Congress 
and  confirmed  by  the  States,  under  the  federal  Con 
stitution,  be  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  govern 
ment  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union."  The 
credentials  of  the  delegates  from  the  various  States 
were  also  cited  in  farther  support  of  the  same  argument. 
Many  of  these  followed  with  substantial  accuracy  the 
phraseology  of  the  resolution  of  Congress.  Such 
were  Massachusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary 
land,  Virginia,  and  Georgia.  It  was  obvious  that 
these  States  had  not  contemplated  the  framing  of  an 
entirely  new  system  by  which  the  one  then  existing 
should  be  in  no  proper  sense  altered  or  amended  but 
altogether  swept  away  and  superseded.  Only  a  few 
of  the  credentials  were  more  largely  phrased,  and 
gave  a  more  vague  and  general  authority. 

Technical  force  cannot  be  denied  to  this  argument. 
In  view  of  the  language  of  Congress  and  of  the 
greater  number  of  the  resolves  of  the  State  legisla 
tures  and  the  credentials  issued  in  pursuance  thereof, 
it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  weight  of  legal 
authority  was  unquestionably  with  the  party  of 
amendment.  Even  where  a  more  comprehensive 
phraseology  had  been  adopted,  it  was  not  necessa 
rily  attributable  to  any  deliberate  design  of  enabling 
the  Convention  to  frame  an  entirely  new  system 
of  government.  Doubtless  what  was  in  the  minds 
of  most  of  the  legislators,  national  or  State,  was 
alteration  and  addition  to  be  applied  more  or  less 
freely  to  the  existing  articles.  The  men  whose  de 
signs  extended  to  a  fundamental  destruction  and 
complete  rebuilding  had  generally  found  it  the  more 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  213 

discreet  course  to  keep  their  purposes  very  private. 
What  action  the  legislatures  could  have  been  induced 
to  take,  had  such  more  grand  propositions  been  sub 
mitted  to  them,  must  in  nearly  every  case  be  matter 
purely  of  surmise. 

But  if  the  intentions  of  some  other  of  the  State 
legislatures  could  be  doubted,  the  Senate  and  Assem 
bly  of  New  York,  at  least,  had  put  their  doctrines 
into  an  unmistakable  shape.  There  the  Clintonians 
could  not  be  unsuspicious  of  the  far-reaching  proj 
ects  of  Hamilton ;  and  in  making  him  a  delegate, 
though  subject  to  the  check  of  Yates  and  Lan 
sing,  they  took  especial  precautions  to  add  other 
fetters  beforehand,  and,  so  far  as  they  could,  to 
render  him  altogether  harmless.  They  despatched 
their  delegates  to  take  part  in  the  Convention,  "  for 
the  sole  and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  Articles 
of  Confederation."  That  this  brief  and  limiting 
phrase  was  not  used  undesignedly  may  be  inferred 
from  many  circumstances,  and  especially  from  the 
conduct  of  the  two  gentlemen  named  as  Hamilton's 
colleagues.  They  were  fully  informed  of  the  tactics 
of  the  dominant  party  in  their  State.  They  attended 
the  Convention  with  the  intent  upon  their  own  part 
—  an  intent  quite  consonant  to  the  views  of  the 
majority  of  those  who  sent  them  —  to  curtail  the 
action  of  that  body  within  very  narrow  bounds. 
They  had  been  elected,  in  fact,  upon  this  understand 
ing,  —  none  the  less  clear  because  not  set  forth  in  the 
words  of  a  distinct  pledge.  They  understood  that 
they  were  in  their  seats  in  order  that  they  might 
obstruct  and  curtail  all  extended  reformatory  action, 
and  by  no  means  in  order  that  they  might  further 


214  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

and  enlarge  it  in  any  substantial  or  principal  point. 
Accordingly,  when  they  found  that  the  party  of  lib 
eral  views  had  surely  secured  the  ascendancy,  and 
would  succeed  in  recommending  a  new  system  of 
government  in  spite  of  the  influence  of  New  York 
and  the  arguments  of  Luther  Martin,  they  withdrew 
from  the  Convention  (July  5,  1787)  and  wrote  an 
explanatory  letter  to  the  governor  of  New  York. 
Purporting  to  justify  themselves,  they  really  intended 
it  as  a  sort  of  campaign  document.  Therein  they 
stated,  as  a  principal  reason  why  they  could  not  give 
their  consent  to  the  proposed  Constitution,  that  from 
the  expressions  of  their  credentials  they  believed  that 
a  system  of  consolidated  government  could  not  in  the 
remotest  degree  have  been  in  the  contemplation  of 
the  State  legislature  when  it  sent  a  delegation  to 
share  in  the  discussions  of  the  Convention. 

The  plain  truth  was  that  a  great  crisis  was  present 
in  which  the  shackles  of  words  must  either  be  broken, 
or,  in  being  respected,  must  do  the  irreparable  mis 
chief  of  paralyzing  the  efforts  by  which  alone  the 
emergency  could  be  encountered.  To-day,  the  defer 
ence  which  was  shown  to  this  verbal  construction 
appears  almost  wholly  needless  and  wholly  vexa 
tious.  One  is  inclined  to  say  that  the  advocates  of  a 
new  and  sufficient  frame  of  government  should  have 
challenged  the  cavillers  at  the  outset  with  the  bold 
and  frank  assertion  of  the  imperative  need  of  the 
hour,  and  of  their  resolution  —  whatever  might  be 
the  ultimate  result  of  their  action  —  at  least  to  offer 
to  the  people  an  adequate  system.  Thus  it  seems 
that  they  might  have  courageously  encountered  the 
niceties  of  the  cavillers ;  thus  fulfilling  their  sub- 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  215 

stantial  duty,  and  throwing  themselves  upon  the  in 
telligence  and  right  feeling  of  the  nation  at  large 
for  their  justification.  Feasible  and  attractive  as 
such  conduct  is  wont  to  appear  after  the  instant 
pressure  of  the  emergency  has  been  removed,  it  has 
seldom  been  deemed  practical  by  wise  and  even  daring 
men  when  called  upon  to  act  at  the  time  itself.  So 
lately  when  the  war  of  the  rebellion  broke  out  it  was 
found  that  the  war  powers  provided  by  the  Consti 
tution  were  grossly  inadequate  to  the  needs  of  the 
hour.  It  was  obvious  enough  that  those  needs  were 
entitled  to  ride  paramount  over  all  technicalities,  or 
even  over  the  most  precise  expressions :  that  indeed 
the  nation  must  be  preserved,  whether  the  parchment 
code  provided  for  its  preservation  in  a  regular  man 
ner  or  not.  But  government  dared  not  present  such 
a  proposition  as  the  sole  basis  of  its  procedure,  even 
to  the  fervent  patriotism  of  the  northern  States.  All 
sorts  of  fallacious  verbalism  and  far-fetched  inference 
were  resorted  to,  for  the  purpose  of  making  the 
nation  believe  that  what  was  done  in  obvious  excess 
or  disregard  of  constitutional  powers  was  yet,  by 
some  legal  legerdemain,  done  in  pursuance  of  the 
Constitution.  Sober  citizens,  who  were  only  too 
anxious  to  be  hoodwinked,  stood  very  gladly  to  have 
the  bandages  put  over  their  eyes. 

Very  similar  were  the  circumstances  at  the  time  of 
the  Constitutional  Convention.  It  was  necessary  to 
argue  that  the  formation  of  an  entirely  new  Consti 
tution  was  within  the  contemplation  of  the  State 
legislatures,  was  covered  by  the  language  of  the  con 
gressional  resolve  and  the  credentials  of  the  delegates, 
and  was  clearly  within  the  just  powers  of  the  body. 


216  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Hamilton  accordingly,  reviewing  the  powers  with 
which  the  Convention  was  invested  and  the  state 
ment  that  the  deputies  were  appointed  for  the  sole 
and  express  purpose  of  revising  the  Confederation, 
altering  and  amending  it  so  as  to  render  it  effectual 
for  the  purposes  of  a  good  government,  said  that  an 
erroneous  stress  was  laid  upon  the  terms  sole  and  ex 
press,  as  if  they  were  intended  to  confine  any  scheme 
of  government  to  a  federal  nature,  like  the  present 
one ;  whereas  he  declared  the  manifest  import  to  be 
nothing  more  than  that  the  institution  of  a  good  gov 
ernment  must  be  the  "  sole  and  express  "  object  of 
the  deliberations  of  the  Convention.  Truly  an  ingen 
ious  evasion  of  the  verbal  argument !  Nor,  said  he, 
can  we  suppose  an  annihilation  of  our  powers  by  rea 
son  of  the  formation  of  a  national  government ;  that 
is  to  say  a  consolidated  government  in  contradistinc 
tion  to  the  loosely  united  league  at  present  existing. 
Many  of  the  State  constitutions  contained  no  pro 
visions  for  alteration.  Yet  it  was  not  therefore  to  be 
supposed  that  an  alteration  was  intended  to  be,  or  in 
fact  was  rendered,  an  impossibility.  He  stated  that 
when  the  credentials  of  the  New  York  delegates 
were  under  consideration  in  the  State  legislature  it 
was  proposed  to  restrict  their  powers  so  that  they 
should  be  prohibited  from  encroaching  on  the  Con 
stitution  ;  to  which  it  was  then  replied  that  in  the 
formation  of  a  new  Union  some  abridgment  of  the 
constitutional  powers  of  the  State  might  be  unavoid 
able.  The  answer  had  appeared  reasonable.  No  such 
restriction  had  been  inserted  lest  inconvenience 
might  ensue  ;  and  the  action  of  the  legislature  had  left 
the  deputies  at  liberty  to  join  in  forming  such  a  na- 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  217 

tional  government  as  they  should  think  to  be  best 
adapted  to  the  good  of  the  whole.  "  I  have  there 
fore,"  he  said,  "  no  difficulty  as  to  the  extent  of  our 
powers,  nor  do  I  feel  myself  restrained  in  the  exercise 
of  my  judgment  under  them." 

But  not  content  to  rely  wholly  upon  this  casuistry, 
Hamilton  also  met  the  exigencies  of  the  position  fairly 
and  honestly.  Again  he  used  the  advantages  of  his 
situation,  and  declared  his  opinion  that  whatever  ,were 
the  powers  given  to  the  Convention  its  duties  were 
manifest.  The  necessity  of  the  whole  country  was  a 
higher  authority  than  the  scrap  of  parchment  on  which 
was  engrossed  a  legislative  resolve.  He  agreed  with 
Mr.  Randolph  that  "  we  owe  it  to  our  country  to  do 
on  this  emergency  whatever  we  shall  deem  essential 
to  its  happiness.  The  States  sent  us  here  to  provide 
for  the  exigencies  of  the  Union.  To  rely  on  and  pro 
pose  any  plan  not  adequate  to  those  exigencies,  merely 
because  it  was  not  clearly  within  our  powers,  would 
be  to  sacrifice  the  end  to  the  means."  Two  days 
later  Mr.  Mason  followed  in  the  same  strain,  remark 
ing  that  "  in  certain  seasons  of  public  danger  it  is 
commendable  to  exceed  power."  The  party  was 
beginning  to  feel  stronger. 

The  plain  truth  is  that  the  Constitutional  Conven 
tion  unquestionably  did  go  beyond  and  far  beyond 
its  strict  literal  powers  in  forming  and  offering  to  the 
people  an  entirely  new  Constitution  of  government. 
Nor  was  this  truth  less  well  known  at  that  day  than 
it  has  been  since.  The  desperate  efforts  which  were 
made  to  gain  for  words  a  more  liberal  construction 
than  their  plain  meaning  would  admit  were  sacri 
fices  to  policy,  submitted  to  by  the  stronger  spirits 


218  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

merely  in  order  to  soothe  and  aid  the  weaker  breth 
ren.  The  argument  ex  necessitate  was  often  referred 
to  by  the  more  outspoken  advocates  of  a  national 
government,  and  was  doubtless  felt  in  all  its  force  as 
an  influence  upon  the  action  of  those  who  preferred 
nevertheless  to  be  silent  in  regard  to  it,  or  even  to  be 
or  to  pretend  to  be  deceived  on  the  point  of  technical 
power. 

Among  the  evils  which  the  opponents  of  the  Con 
stitution  foresaw,  a  serious  one  lay  in  the  fear  that  an 
aristocracy  of  wealth  might  be  established  which 
would  gain  possession  of  the  government.  The  diffi 
culty  and  expense  necessarily  attendant  upon  distant 
journeys  and  prolonged  absences  from  home  were  said 
to  constitute  taxes  upon  the  purse  which  only  rich 
men  could  endure,  and  which  would  prove  great  aux 
iliaries  to  the  customary  potentiality  of  money.  Ham 
ilton  drew  a  directly  opposite  and  not  less  logical 
conclusion  from  the  same  premises,  conceiving  that 
men  of  property  and  influence  would  hardly  consent 
to  be  dragged  long  distances  to  attend  a  national 
legislature.  Experience  had  thus  far  been  upon  his 
side  of  the  argument ;  but  the  interposition  of  rail 
ways  and  telegraphs  has  prevented  a  fair  trial  of  the 
accuracy  of  either  opinion.  Certainly  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  most  of  the  States  have  at  home  better 
men  than  they  send  to  Washington  ;  but  if  such  is  the 
case  the  explanation  is  not  generally  to  be  sought  in 
the  facts  of  distance  and  consequent  expense. 

In  contemplating  the  political  and  social  conditions 
which  were  likely  to  ensue  under  a  government  even 
upon  the  Virginia  plan,  some  serious  features  of  dan 
ger  were  visible.  The  State  would  have  control  in 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  219 

all  the  more  interesting  affairs  of  the  people 'within  its 
borders.  Their  business,  their  homes,  their  domestic 
affairs,  all  their  daily  life  with  its  numberless  needs 
and  comforts,  would  fall  within  the  domain  of  the 
State  and  not  of  the  national  administration.  There 
was  too  much  chance  that  the  State  would  gain  an 
overmastering  influence  in  their  minds.  It  would 
seem  to  give  them  nearly  every  thing  which  men 
demand  from  their  governors  ;  and  in  return  the  sense 
of  loyalty  and  attachment,  the  belief  in  usefulness 
and  necessity,  would  all  tend  towards  this  apparent 
liberal  giver.  The  States  would  rapidly  grow  popu 
lous,  rich,  and  powerful.  Enormous  interests  would  be 
controlled  by  their  governments.  Was  it  improb 
able  that  the  ablest  men  would  be  attracted  to  a 
service  of  which  the  distinction  would  appear  so 
prominently  and  immediately  before  their  eyes  ? 

So  fraught  with  mischief  did  this  probable  rapid 
increase  of  State  influence  and  State  absorption 
appear  to  Hamilton,  that  at  one  time  he  confessed 
himself  able  to  contemplate  with  equanimity  the 
extinction  of  State  governments  and  the  unification 
of  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  into  one  amal 
gamated  people.  This  condition  of  things  seemed 
to  him  to  involve  less  danger  and  difficulty  than  the 
existence  of  so  many  powerful  and  distinct  political 
entities,  each  completely  formed  and  possessing  a  sov 
ereignty  which,  though  curtailed  in  some  respects, 
must  necessarily  be  of  great  magnitude.  But  though 
he  could  contemplate  such  a  project  without  alarm 
he  never  preferred  it,  declaring,  that,  uin  order  to 
carry  government  to  the  extremities,  the  State  govern 
ments  reduced  to  corporations  and  with  very  limited 


220  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

powers  might  be  necessary,  and  the  expense  of  the 
national  government  become  less  burdensome." 

The  new  Constitution  framed  by  the  Convention 
has  been  in  operation  upwards  of  three  quarters  of  a 
century,  and  as  yet  we  have  seen  no  indications  of 
the  national  government  becoming  dwarfed  in  power 
or  importance  in  comparison  with  the  State  govern 
ments,  or  any  of  them.  Hamilton  certainly  over 
rated  this  danger.  But  it  should  be  remembered  that 
there  were  then  only  thirteen  States,  with  a  chance 
of  a  gradual  increase  by  the  addition  of  less  than 
half  as  many  more,  at  intervals  likely  to  extend 
through  a  long  series  of  years.  Obviously,  any  single 
State  was  then  a  much  more  important  unit  than 
it  is  now ;  equally  obvious  is  it  that  unification  then 
was  comparatively  a  simple  and  easy  matter. 

But  apart  from  this  point  of  growth,  which  might 
have  been  and  in  fact  was  in  some  very  small  and 
inadequate  part  foreseen,  another  very  important 
consideration  demands  attention  before  judgment 
can  be  passed  with  justice  upon  Hamilton's  will 
ingness  to  see  the  States  reduced  to  "corporations 
with  very  limited  powers."  For,  no  sooner,  as  we 
all  know,  was  the  new  government  set  in  operation 
under  the  Constitution,  than  two  parties  —  that  of 
the  strict  constructionists,  and  that  of  the  liberal  con 
strue  tionists  —  sprang  into  existence.  The  former 
wished  to  construe  the  instrument  with  such  narrow 
and  literal  precision  as  would  in  every  case  of  possi 
ble  question  reduce  the  powers  thereby  reposed  in 
the  national  government  to  the  smallest  possible 
measure.  The  latter  sought  the  opposite  course,  and 
strove  by  generous  implications  to  carry  the  federal 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  221 

authority  to  a  considerable  measure  of  power.  Very 
fortunately,  the  latter  party  retained  political  ascend 
ancy  long  enough  to  establish  their  doctrine  in  prac 
tical  working.  In  no  small  degree  was  this  due  to 
the  vigorous  efforts  of  Hamilton,  who  thus  appears 
largely  responsible  for  the  falsification  of  his  own 
predictions.  Had  the  course  of  events  been  other 
wise,  had  the  power  of  the  national  government  been 
circumscribed  and  seldom  brought  close  to  the  daily 
affairs  of  the  people,  leaving  the  State  governments 
to  fill  very  nearly  the  whole  circle  of  their  vision,  as 
Hamilton  had  thought  too  probable,  his  prophecies 
would  surely  have  been  fulfilled.  He  did  not  dread 
an  unreal  danger,  but  one  which  was  averted  by  the 
fortunate  predominance  of  a  party  with  a  strong  and 
wise  policy. 

This  topic  was  afterward  debated  with  much  vehe 
mence  in  the  State  convention  of  New  York,  where 
the  jealous  regard  for  State  sovereignty  was  a  chord 
played  upon  in  that  assemblage  with  much  assiduity 
and  skill  by  the  opponents  of  the  new  Constitution. 
The  State  governments,  as  the  Clintonians  were  never 
tired  of  averring,  were  destined  to  extinction.  It 
was  a  delusion  to  assert  that  they  were  to  remain 
supreme  in  all  except  certain  designated  matters  ;  for 
the  national  government  was  to  be  supreme,  and  how 
could  there  be  two  supremes  ?  It  cannot  be  doubted 
that  the  obvious  fallacy  of  this  argument  was  plainly 
perceived  by  many  of  those  who  nevertheless  used  it 
for  the  sake  of  its  effect  upon  minds  less  shrewd  and 
logical  than  their  own.  Yet  it  deceived  more  persons 
than  would  now  be  supposed.  That  sovereign  bodies 
could  form  component  parts  of  a  single  sovereign 


222  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

body,  and  yet  not  part  with  their  character  of  indi 
vidual  sovereignties  except  in  a  few  definite  particu 
lars,  —  a  proposition  now  so  familiar,  —  was  in  those 
days  accepted  slowly  and  distrustfully.  The  simple 
explanation  was  mistaken  for  sophistry ;  its  very  sim 
plicity  aroused  suspicion ;  it  was  thought  that  there 
must  be  some  element  of  impossibility  lurking  behind 
the  few  short  sentences  in  which  Hamilton  and  his 
coadjutors  sought  to  display  the  principle  of  a  plan  so 
grand.  Again  and  again  was  Hamilton  obliged  to 
reiterate  his  arguments  that  "  two  supreme  powers 
are  inconsistent  only  when  they  are  aimed  at  each 
other  or  at  one  indivisible  object.  The  laws  of  the 
United  States  are  supreme  as  to  their  proper  consti 
tutional  objects.  Those  of  the  States  are  supreme 
in  the  same  way.  These  supreme  laws  can  act  on 
different  objects  without  clashing  ;  or  they  may  ope 
rate  on  different  parts  of  the  same  common  object  with 
perfect  harmony.  The  meaning  of  the  maxim  that 
there  cannot  be  two  supremes  is  simply  this,  —  two 
powers  cannot  be  supreme  over  each  other."  "  The 
word  '  supreme '  imports  no  more  than  this,  —  that 
the  constitution  and  laws  made  in  pursuance  of  it 
cannot  be  controlled  or  defeated  by  any  other  law. 
The  acts  of  the  United  States  will  be  absolutely 
obligatory  as  to  all  the  proper  objects  and  powers  of 
the  general  government.  .  .  .  But  the  laws  of  Con 
gress  are  restricted  to  a  certain  sphere,  and  when 
they  depart  from  this  sphere  they  are  no  longer  su 
preme  or  binding.  In  the  same  manner,  the  States 
have  certain  independent  powers  in  which  their  laws 
are  supreme." 

In  this  portion  of  the  debate  in  the  State  Conven- 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  223 

tion,  Lansing,  in  the  course  of  one  of  his  speeches, 
accused  Hamilton  of  inconsistency,  asserting  that 
though  now  he  treated  as  chimerical  the  idea  of  hos 
tility  between  the  national  and  the  State  govern 
ments,  he  had  not  always  been  of  the  same  mind ;  that 
in  the  convention  at  Philadelphia  he  had  appeared 
fully  convinced  that  a  want  of  harmony  between  the 
central  government  and  the  States  would  exist,  and 
upon  this  basis  had  "  argued  with  much  decision  and 
plausibility  that  the  State  governments  ought  to  be 
subverted,  at  least  so  far  as  to  leave  to  them  only 
corporate  rights ;  and  that  even  in  that  situation 
they  would  endanger  the  existence  of  the  General 
Government.  But,"  he  concluded,  "  the  honorable 
gentleman's  reflections  have  probably  induced  him  to 
correct  that  sentiment." 

Lansing  having  hurled  at  his  adversary  this  terri 
ble  weapon,  a  charge  of  having  upon  reflection 
changed  his  mind,  Hamilton  interrupted  in  order 
to  explain  the  sentiments  now  and  previously  en 
tertained  by  him,  sentiments  which  had  apparently 
been  imperfectly  understood,  since  they  were  sup 
posed  to  have  undergone  so  extensive  a  modifica 
tion.  He  affirmed  that  in  the  general  Convention 
his  ideas  had  been  uniformly  the  same  as  on  the 
present  occasion ;  that  though  he  at  that  time  de 
clared,  as  he  had  constantly  and  publicly  done  since, 
"  his  apprehension  that  the  State  governments  would 
finally  subvert  the  general  system  unless  the  arm  of 
the  Union  was  more  strengthened  than  it  was  even 
by  this  Constitution,  yet  he  had,  through  the  whole 
of  the  business,  advocated  the  preservation  of  the 
State  governments  and  affirmed  them  to  be  useful 


224  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

and  necessary."  Lansing's  remarks  lie  declared  to 
be  "  unbecoming,  improper,  and  uncandid."  Such  a 
description  of  his  conduct  naturally  excited  Lansing's 
resentment,  and  he  appealed  to  Chief  Justice  Yates 
to  verify  his  assertion  by  the  authority  of  the  notes 
taken  by  that  gentleman  during  the  debates  in  the 
federal  Convention.  The  controversy  was  cut  short 
for  the  day  by  a  motion  to  adjourn,  which  was  car 
ried.  But  at  the  next  meeting  Lansing  returned  to 
the  subject,  and  again  demanded  the  evidence  of 
Yates's  memoranda,  —  notes,  by  the  way,  which  were 
very  meagre  and  unsatisfactory  as  a  record  of  the 
proceedings  which  they  profess  to  chronicle.  Hamil 
ton  agreed.  The  Chief  Justice,  thus  invoked  by  both 
contestants,  arose,  apologized  for  the  possible  inac 
curacy  of  his  minutes,  and  said  that  in  the  national 
Convention  Hamilton  had  strongly  urged  that  the 
most  complete  sovereignty  should  be  conferred  upon 
Congress ;  and  that,  to  prevent  encroachments  which 
he  anticipated  as  likely  to  be  made  by  the  States 
upon  the  department  of  the  general  government,  he 
desired  that  the  State  governments  should  be  re 
duced  to  a  smaller  scale,  and  should  be  invested 
only  with  corporate  powers.  Hamilton  said  that  the 
word  "  corporate  "  was  ambiguous,  and  asked  Yates 
whether  he  had  understood  it  to  be  used  on  that 
occasion  as  descriptive  of  powers  similar  to  those 
of  the  city  of  New  York.  Yates  replied  that  he 
had  not  so  understood  it,  that  he  had  understood 
the  gentleman  not  to  wish  such  a  privation  of  powers 
as  would  reduce  the  States  to  mere  corporations 
in  the  popular  acceptance  of  that  term,  but  only 
such  as  would  prevent  the  members  from  retarding 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  225 

in   any  degree  the  operations  of  the    United  Gov 
ernment. 

Hamilton  then  farther  inquired  whether  Yates  did 
not  remember  hearing  him  say,  after  this  debate  in 
the  federal  Convention,  that  in  his  opinion  the  State 
governments  ought  to  be  supported,  and  would  prove 
useful  and  necessary ;  also,  whether  at  the  same 
time  he  had  not  recommended  a  certain  measure 
for  the  express  purpose  of  furnishing  additional  secu 
rity  to  the  State  governments,  —  the  establishment 
of  a  Court  of  Impeachment,  to  be  composed  of  the 
Chief  Judges  of  the  several  States,  and  the  Chief 
Justice  of  the  United  States.  Yates  acknowledged 
these  facts  to  rest  in  his  memory,  though  not  em 
bodied  in  his  records.  Mr.  Jay  then  proposed 
further  interrogatories,  to  which  the  Chief  Justice 
replied  by  reiterating  in  general  terms  what  he  had 
already  explicitly  stated :  that  Colonel  Hamilton  did 
not  appear  to  him  to  aim  at  a  total  extinguishment  of 
the  State  governments,  but  only  at  depriving  them 
of  the  means  of  impeding  the  operation  of  the  Union. 
Lansing  undertook  to  interfere  with  certain  explana 
tions,  but  was  ruled  out  of  order  because  Jay  had  the 
floor.  Later,  he  expressed  the  wish  that  Chief  Jus 
tice  Yates's  notes  might  be  read,  but  was  met  by  the 
point  that  they  could  only  be  introduced,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  rules  of  the  House,  by  a  formal  motion. 
This  he  did  not  see  fit  to  make ;  so  the  matter  was 
dropped  at  this  point  and  very  properly,  since  the 
controversy  had  reached  that  stage  at  which  it  be 
came  profitless.  Hamilton's  position,  past  and  pres 
ent,  had  been  made  sufficiently  intelligible.  The 
question  at  issue  was  narrowed  down  to  little  more 

VOL.    I.  15 


226  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

than  a  verbal  dispute  ;  namely,  whether  in  using 
the  phrase  "  corporate,"  or  "  corporation,"  he  had 
employed  a  proper  word  to  convey  the  meaning 
which  he  professed  to  have  in  his  mind. 

Whether  Hamilton's  opinions  on  this  subject  had, 
unconsciously  to  himself,  undergone  some  degree  of 
modification,  is  not  a  very  important  matter.  In  the 
course  of  such  long  and  able  debates,  it  is  probable 
that  few  intelligent  men  maintained  to  the  end  all 
their  first  convictions  in  the  original  shape.  Undoubt 
edly  he  had  expressed  in  strong  language  in  the  Con 
vention  his  belief  in  the  necessity  of  subordinating 
the  parts  to  the  whole,  the  States  to  the  nation.  In 
so  doing,  he  was  preaching  the  sermon  appropriate  to 
the  hour.  So  great,  and  so  little  understood,  were 
the  needs  of  that  critical  hour,  that  like  many  preach 
ers  he  may  have  let  his  language  run  somewhat  in 
advance  of  his  cool,  established  belief.  When  the 
most  sanguine  hope  that  one  can  entertain  is  that  his 
advice  may  be  adopted  only  after  a  considerable  dis 
count  has  been  made  from  it  by  his  hearers,  the 
temptation  is  strong  to  offset  the  anticipated  discount 
by  a  proportionate  degree  of  over-statement  in  the 
beginning. 

The  purpose  of  real  importance  is  to  gather  from 
his  language,  on  the  many  different  occasions  when 
the  topic  was  under  discussion,  the  opinions  which 
Ivere  finally  and  permanently  entertained  by  him.  If 
at  any  time  he  feared  the  influence  and  under-rated 
the  usefulness  of  the  State  government  as  a  political 
entity,  embodying  no  small  measure  of  real  sov 
ereignty  and  substantial  power,  he  appears  soon  to 
have  arrived  at  a  sounder  or  more  moderate  feeling. 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  227 

For  he  is  repeatedly  found  dwelling  upon  the  ad 
vantage  of  having  the  State  governments  established 
as  permanent  safeguards  against  usurpation  and 
tyranny  on  the  part  of  the  Federal  government,  or 
any  one  of  its  branches.  The  States,  he  antici 
pated,  would  be  ever  jealous  of  any  appropriation  by 
the  National  government  of  rights  or  powers  not 
strictly  its  own ;  for  in  arrogating  any,  the  smallest, 
privilege  not  surely  belonging  to  it,  necessarily  it 
encroaches  upon  the  prerogative  of  the  States,  one 
and  all.  No  department  of  the  general  government 
could  dangerously  invade  a  coordinate  department, 
without  exciting  in  some  State  or  States  alarm  and 
resistance.  In  case  of  the  need  arising,  the  States 
would  stand  ready,  as  complete  organized  political 
bodies,  to  assert  and  maintain  their  rights  ;  each  hav 
ing  all  the  machinery  of  government  in  active  opera 
tion,  a  full  set  of  officials,  a  militia,  a  treasury,  a 
system  of  taxation.  The  war  of  the  rebellion  has 
since  fully  justified  Hamilton's  statements  in  this 
regard. 

When,  therefore,  upon  the  one  hand  Hamilton 
deprecated  the  fear  that  the  central  government 
would  paralyze  and  absorb  the  particular  gov 
ernments,  and  saw  and  predicted  a  quite  opposite 
working  of  our  political  machine,  he  uttered  only 
such  warnings  as  history  has  ratified,  and  he  was 
not  deserving  of  the  reproach  of  enmity  to  the  States. 
When  upon  the  other  hand  he  pointed  out  as  matter 
for  comfort  and  satisfaction,  that  the  organization  of 
the  States  presented  a  protection  against  the  estab 
lishment  of  despotism  more  sure,  immediate,  and 
potent  than  had  ever  been  enjoyed  by  any  people  in 


228  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

the  world,  he  told  a  truth  which  it  is  impossible  now 
to  call  in  question.  He  was  equally  wise,  therefore, 
in  dreading  the  gift  to  the  States  of  too  great  power, 
and  in  asserting  the  advantage  to  be  derived  from 
perpetuating  them  as  the  depositaries  of  a  substantial 
authority. 

Not  to  oblige  the  reader  to  rest  too  much  upon 
arbitrary  statements,  it  may  be'  well  to  quote  a  few 
sentences  from  Hamilton's  language  in  one  or  two 
instances,  selected  from  many  equally  quotable,  in 
support  of  the  foregoing  interpretation  of  his  senti 
ments  on  this  important  subject. 

"  The  existence  of  the  State  governments,"  he  said, 
in  the  New  York  Convention,  u  must  form  a  leading 
principle  in  the  most  perfect  constitution  we  could 
form.  It  never  can  be  the  interest  or  desire  of  the 
national  legislature  to  destroy  them.  It  can  derive 
no  advantage  from  such  an  event;  but  would  lose 
an  indispensable  support,  a  necessary  aid,  in  execut 
ing  the  laws  and  conveying  the  influence  of  govern 
ment  to  the  doors  of  the  people.  .  .  .  The  destruction 
of  the  States  would  be  a  political  suicide."  Thus 
much  for  his  opinion  of  the  usefulness  of  these  organ 
izations  as  a  part  of  the  machinery  of  the  body  politic. 
Again :  "  The  States  can  never  lose  their  powers, 
until  the  whole  people  of  America  are  robbed  of  their 
liberties.  They  must  go  together.  They  must  sup 
port  each  other,  or  meet  one  common  fate."  "  The 
State  governments  are  essentially  necessary  to  the 
form  and  spirit  of  the  general  system.  .  .  .  While 
the  Constitution  continues  to  be  read  and  its  princi 
ples  known,  the  States  must  by  every  rational  man 
be  considered  as  essential  component  parts  of  the 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  229 

Union ;  and  therefore  the  idea  of  sacrificing  the 
former  to  the  latter  is  whplly  inadmissible." 

Concerning  the  duration  of  the  terms  of  office  for 
the  executive  and  the  senators,  Hamilton  contended 
long  and  strenuously.  He  would  fain  have  seen  them 
elected  for  life  or  good  behavior.  With  great  force 
did  he  urge  the  necessity  for  introducing  into  the 
government  a  strong  element  of  stability.  He  did 
not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  his  dread  of  a  pure  de 
mocracy,  a  description  of  government  which  certainly 
has  never  yet  in  the  history  of  the  world  been  known 
to  flourish  for  any  length  of  time.  Yet,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  numerous  party  was  anxious  to  give  to  the 
American  system  a  strong  democratic  complexion, 
proposing  to  do  without  any  executive  department, 
and  to  establish  a  Congress  consisting  of  one  cham 
ber  only,  the  individual  members  of  which  should  be 
subject  to  arbitrary  and  immediate  recall  by  their 
constituents  at  any  moment. 

It  must  be  frankly  confessed,  whatever  may  be 
thought  of  the  admission,  that  Hamilton  was  far  from 
placing  any  profound  trust  in  the  mass  of  the  people. 
If  vox  popnli  was  indeed  vox  Dei,  he  thought  it  was 
quite  as  often  the  infernal  as  the  supernal  deities 
who  spoke  through  this  fickle  and  ignorant  mouth 
piece.  A  government  founded  on  the  sober  common 
sense  of  the  people  he  wished  to  see  established ;  a 
government  plastic  beneath  the  influence  of  the  muta 
ble  popular  passions  he  deprecated,  as  of  all  schemes 
the  worst.  A  democracy,  turbulent,  uncontrollable, 
excitable,  partially  informed,  stood  in  need  of  those 
checks  which  could  be  furnished  only  by  that  part 
of  the  community  which  had  more  at  stake,  which 


230  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

was  Letter  qualified  to  know  fully,  to  think  coolly, 
to  judge  wisely.  This  body,  being  in  possession  of 
one  branch  of  the  government,  would  interfere  in  its 
administration  with  a  superior  wisdom  proportioned 
to  their  superior  intelligence  and  greater  interest  in 
the  national  prosperity. 

An  executive  that  is  good  for  any  thing  cannot 
be  included  as  a  part  of  a  government  constructed 
upon  a  purely  democratic  plan.  That,  said  Hamil 
ton,  is  admitted.  To  be  efficient  the  executive  must 
be  placed  above  temptation,  and  yet  be  so  placed 
that  he  can  have  no  interests  distinct  from  the  public 
advantage.  An  executive  and  one  branch  of  Con 
gress  to  be  elected  for  life,  or  good  behavior,  could 
not  be  properly  regarded  as  inconsistent  with  a  re 
publican  theory  of  government,  so  long  as  they  should 
remain  elective.  Nor  did  Hamilton  think  an  execu 
tive  chosen  for  life  likely  to  be  so  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people  as  one  holding  office  for  seven 
years.  Such  a  government  might  be  stigmatized  as 
an  elective  monarchy.  But  what,  demanded  he,  is 
a  monarchy  ?  May  not  the  governors  of  the  respec 
tive  States  be  described  as  monarchs  with  equal  jus 
tice  ?  Nor  can  an  executive  officer  who  is  subject  to 
impeachment,  as  the  chief  executive  was  intended 
to  be  under  all  the  proposed  plans,  be  designated 
with  any  propriety  as  a  monarch. 

Again  and  again  has  it  been  asserted  that  Ham 
ilton  wished  to  see  a  monarchy  established  in  this 
country,  that  he  secretly  schemed  for  it,  that  his 
attachment  to  our  Constitution  was  but  a  hollow  and 
superficial  pretence.  The  statement  has  been  put 
forth  dogmatically,  unsupported  by  any  substantial 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  231 

evidence,  but  by  obstinate  repetition  has  gained  an 
undeserved  importance.  The  name  of  monarchist  is 
hurled  against  him  as  if  it  were  a  bull  of  political  and 
social  excommunication,  fit  utterly  to  destroy  his  repu 
tation  among  all  good  men,  to  shatter  the  memory  of  his 
usefulness,  and  annihilate  the  belief  in  his  patriotism. 
An  artificial  consequence  has  been  imported  into  the 
discussion  by  an  unfair  way  of  stating  the  charge. 
If  there  were  the  slightest  ground  for  supposing  that 
Hamilton  ever  entertained  any  design  of  actually 
introducing  a  monarchy  into  the  country,  especially 
if  he  entertained  this  design  with  the  collateral  intent 
of  subverting  an  existing  government  or  foisting  upon 
the  people  a  government  of  a  kind  to  which  the  major 
ity  of  them  were  opposed,  it  would  truly  be  a  most 
weighty  accusation,  deserving  to  be  investigated  with 
all  possible  care  and  adjudged  upon  only  after  the 
deepest  consideration.  But,  fortunately,  the  indict 
ment  does  not  directly  allege  any  such  criminality. 
Accounts  have,  indeed,  been  so  artfully  written  or 
so  darkly  phrased  as  to  encourage  vague  inferences. 
Insinuations  and  hints  have  suggested  ideas  which 
the  writer  has  not  ventured  to  express  in  distinct 
words.  But  I  am  aware  of  no  plain,  blunt  charge 
of  monarchical  treason  against  Hamilton ;  and  I  am 
certain  that  not  one  tittle  of  evidence  can  be  adduced 
to  show  that  he  ever  contemplated  the  establishment 
of  monarchy  in  the  United  States.  On  the  contrary, 
the  evidence  that  he  regarded  any  such  project  as 
preposterous  and  utterly  impossible  is  overwhelming. 
The  secondary  and  far  less  important  question 
relates  to  Hamilton's  own  individual  opinion  as  to 
the  comparative  merits  of  a  monarchical  and  a  repub- 


232  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

lican  form  of  government.  The  discussion  of  it  is 
interesting  to  those  who  wish  to  understand  his  mind, 
to  study  his  beliefs.  If  he  ever,  for  so  much  as  a 
moment,  cherished  the  design  of  introducing  mon 
archy  into  the  United  States,  that  fact  affects  his 
character  and  standing  as  an  American  statesman ; 
if  he  simply  entertained  a  private  belief  that  a  mon 
archy  was  a  form  of  government  equal  or  superior  to 
a  republic,  the  fact  is  of  value  only  to  those  who 
wish  to  form  their  opinion  of  the  greatness  of  his 
intellectual  power,  by  determining  the  accuracy  of 
his  mental  convictions.  That  he  cherished  such  a 
belief,  provided  that  he  never  sought  to  act  upon  it, 
has  nothing  to  do  with  his  public  career. 

But  to  those  who  care  enough  for  Hamilton  to 
read  a  life  of  him,  his  convictions  on  the  great  sub 
ject  of  government  are  of  sufficient  interest  to  justify 
the  presentment  of  such  evidence  as  exists  concern 
ing  them.  Some  persons  have  said  that  he  openly 
avowed  his  belief  in  a  monarchy  based  upon  the 
principles  of  Great  Britain.  The  statement,  accord 
ing  to  any  authorities  which  I  have  been  able  to 
discover,  embodies  inaccuracy  and  exaggeration. 
The  language  which  Mr.  Yates  puts  into  his  mouth 
is  this  :  •  "  I  believe  the  British  government  forms 
the  best  model  the  world  ever  produced  ;  and  such  has 
been  its  progress  in  the  minds  of  the  many,  that  the 
truth  gradually  gains  ground.  This  government  has 
for  its  object  public  strength  and  individual  security. 
It  is  said  with  us  to  be  unattainable.  If  it  was  once 
formed,  it  would  maintain  itself." 

In  the  "brief"  of  his  speech  to  the  Convention 
we  find  this  paragraph :  "  The  general  government 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  233 

must  in  this  case  not  only  have  a  strong  soul,  but 
strong  organs  by  which  that  soul  is  to  operate." 
Directly  following  are  these  words :  u  Here  I  shall 
give  my  sentiments  of  the  best  form  of  government, 
—  not  as  a  thing  attainable  by  us,  but  as  a  model 
which  we  ought  to  approach  as  near  as  possible. 
British  Constitution  best  form."  Hamilton's  position 
is  plainly  enough  to  be  gathered  from  these  remarks. 
The  British  government  was  the  best  model  which 
the  delegates  in  that  Convention  had  before  them. 
It  was  the  best  government  which  up  to  that  day  the 
world  had  seen.  Will  any  one  controvert  this  simple 
and  harmless  proposition?  Will  any  one,  transfer 
ring  himself  back  to  that  spring  of  1787,  and  conning 
the  history  of  the  world  so  far  as  it  had  then  been 
written,  venture  to  suggest  any  other  government  as 
preferable  to  the  British  system?  The  excellence  of 
that  since  established  in  this  continent  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  question,  for  it  was  then  non-existent. 
Would  any  one  have  been  able  then  to  point  to  a  bet 
ter  "  model "  than  was  furnished  by  the  king,  lords, 
and  commons  of  England?  Assuredly  it  is  to  be 
hoped  not !  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Hamilton  was  right, 
and  that  the  British  Constitution  was  the  "  best 
model ;  "  for  so  far  as  our  Constitution  can  be  said  to 
have  been  formed  upon  any  model,  it  was  formed 
upon  that.  It  did  not  follow  it  very  closely,  cer 
tainly,  but  it  approximated  to  it  much  more  nearly 
than  to  any  form  of  government  which  had  ever,  up 
to  that  time,  succeeded  in  maintaining  a  permanent 
establishment  in  the  world.  It  was  the  British  sys 
tem  republicanized ;  that  is  to  say,  having  the  elec 
tive  element  substituted  for  the  hereditary  in  certain 


234  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

parts.  Surely,  then,  there  was  nothing  heinous  in 
this  quite  honest  and  moderate  commendation  of  the 
British  precedent,  not  offered  for  blind  adoption  and 
transplantation,  but  only  as  an  excellent  "  model " 
worthy  of  study  and  consideration. 

That  this  was  the  extent  of  Hamilton's  intention 
in  uttering  his  praises  of  the  British  Constitution  is 
made  abundantly  obvious.  In  the  brief  he  mentions 
it  "not  as  a  thing  attainable  by  us."  Yates  says, 
that,  after  expressing  his  sentiments  as  to  a  repub 
lican  form  of  government,  he  declared :  "  Whatever 
may  be  my  opinion,  I  would  hold  it,  however,  unwise 
to  change  that  form  of  government.".  Again,  after 
urging  the  considerations  which  moved  him  to  wish 
for  a  consolidated,  a  "  general "  government,  he  says : 
"  Yet  I  would  wish  to  go  to  the  full  length  of  repub 
lican  principles  ; "  and  in  the  same  connection  he 
takes  great  pains  to  show  that  the  election  of  the 
executive  and  senate  for  life  or  good  behavior, 
according  to  his  wishes,  was  really  in  harmony  with 
the  true  republican  principles. 

The  remark  reported  by  Yates,  —  no  friendly 
reporter  be  it  remembered,  —  that  if  a  government 
resembling  that  of  Great  Britain  were  once  formed 
among  us  it  would  thereafter  maintain  itself,  is  the 
strongest  intimation  which  exists,  that  Hamilton  ever 
contemplated  such  a  naked  possibility.  But  even 
this  is  a  mere  passing  utterance  of  an  abstract 
opinion  carefully  based  upon  the  contingency  of 
formation,  a  contingency  which  he  repeatedly  de 
clared  could  never  become  a  reality.  Again  and 
again  he  acknowledged  the  imperative  necessity  of 
creating  a  republican  government ;  and  again  and 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  235 

again  he  announced  his  firm  belief  that  no  other  form 
could  be  thought  of.  He  very  frankly  expressed 
his  anxiety  as  to  the  working  of  republican  institu 
tions  in  any  of  those  precise  forms  which  were  pro 
posed,  or  were  likely  to  be  established.  But  he  was 
unwavering  in  his  assertion  that  the  experiment  must 
and  ought  to  be  tried.  Certainly  it  is  highly  honor 
able  to  him  that  he  did  his  utmost  to  make  the 
experiment  successful,  though  regarding  it  with  such 
serious  misgivings.  A  man  of  meaner  spirit  might 
have  been  content  to  watch  the  formation  of  a  Con 
stitution  embodying  all  the  seeds  of  weakness  and 
death,  happy  in  anticipating  the  hour  of  its  destruc 
tion,  when  his  wisdom  might  be  vindicated  and  his 
aid  at  last  invoked.  But  Hamilton  appears  in  a  light 
as  honorable  as  statesman  ever  stood  in.  He  neither 
concealed  his  sentiments  to  curry  present  favor,  nor 
acted  in  bad  faith  to  secure  future  glory.  In  sub 
stance  he  boldly  said:  I  much  fear  that  you  are 
building  a  structure  on  erroneous  principles,  which 
will  not  have  strength  enough  to  stand  through  many 
generations ;  but  I  know  that  you  fully  believe  in 
these  principles,  that  you  will  never  rest  content  till 
you  have  tested  them ;  you  are  resolved  to  make  the 
trial,  and  it  is  right  and  best  that  you  should  do  so. 
It  may  be  successful,  and  you  may  prove  to  be  right 
in  your  anticipations.  I  am  not  so  sanguine  as  you 
are,  but  I  will  help  you  to  the  very  utmost  of  my 
ability,  with  head  and  with  hand ;  and  the  structure, 
built  as  you  think  best  to  build  it,  shall  be  reared 
with  every  aid  and  advantage  which  my  exertions 
can  furnish. 

Such,  in  a  word,  was  the  position  which  Hamilton 


236  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

assumed  in  this  matter  ;  such  was  the  line  of  action 
which  he  marked  out  for  himself,  which,  with  all  his 
native  vigor,  and  in  unquestionable  good  faith,  he 
followed  out  thoroughly  and  to  the  extreme  end.  It 
seems  to  need  no  farther  defence  than  is  contained  in 
the  mere  explanation. 

There  is  an  element  of  absurdity  in  undertaking  to 
show,  by  the  discussion  of  words  and  phrases,  that 
Hamilton  did  not  covertly  seek  to  set  up  a  monarchy 
in  this  country.  It  is  matter  of  undisputed  history, 
that  the  holding  of  the  Convention,  and  thereafter 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  by  the  people,  were 
promoted  more  by  his  efforts  than  by  those  of  any 
other  single  individual  in  the  United  States.  Not 
only  is  this  true,  but  it  may  be  farther  said  that  so 
prominently  did  he  stand  forth  as  the  most  untiring, 
able,  vigorous,  and  successful  prosecutor  of  this  task, 
that  no  one  deserves  to  be  named  as  second  to  him. 
The  interval  betwixt  him  and  even  Madison  is  very 
great.  Madison's  chief  labor  lay  in  framing  the  Con 
stitution.  Hamilton  did  harder  and  more  efficient 
work  in  New  York,  both  before  the  Convention  was 
determined  upon  and  after  it  had  sent  forth  the  Con 
stitution,  than  Madison  was  called  upon  by  circum 
stances  to  do.  One  would  think  that  his  distin 
guished  record  at  this  period  would  furnish  fall  and 
superabundant  vindication  of  the  good  faith  of  the 
earnest  and  successful  laborer.  But  some  foolish 
persons  having  ventured  to  say  that  the  task  was  not 
prosecuted  with  sincerity,  and  having  sought  to  sup 
port  this  view  by  inferences  drawn  from  disjointed 
and  imperfectly  reported  utterances  of  Hamilton,  it 
becomes  necessary,  not  so  much  to  vindicate  his  hon- 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  237 

esty,  which  can  hardly  be  impugned  on  such  evi 
dence,  as  to  show  that  his  words  were  not  even 
in  appearance  otherwise  than  perfectly  consistent 
with  his  deeds,  and  can  be  made  to  seem  otherwise 
only  by  the  drawing  of  wholly  unauthorized  or 
unjustifiable  inferences. 

Severe  as  have  been  the  animadversions  called 
forth  by  Hamilton's  frank  acknowledgment  of  the 
excellence  of  the  British  monarchy  and  constitution 
as  a  model,  there  were  many  others  who  went  much 
farther  than  he  did  in  this  unpopular  direction,  but 
who,  by  reason  of  being  less  able  or  less  prominent, 
have  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  the  attacks  made 
with  so  much  less  justice  upon  him.  Against  the 
doubts  and  cavils  of  these  men  he  spoke  in  eloquent 
defence  of  republican  principles  and  modes  of  govern 
ment.  He  stigmatizes  "  the  mad  project  of  creating 
a  dictator,"  which  had  at  one  time  been  broached, 
and  which,  so  soon  as  he  heard  of  it,  met  his  "  instant 
disapprobation." 

The  alleged  difficulty  of  securing  a  proper  repre 
sentation  had  led  many  persons  to  advance  the 
principle  that  "  no  government  but  a  despotism  can 
exist  in  a  very  extensive  country."  Against  this 
position  we  find  Hamilton,  the  supposed  advocate  of 
a  monarchical  establishment,  vigorously  plying  the 
cudgels.  Indeed  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  better 
defences  of  republicanism  than  are  contained  among 
his  speeches  and  writings  of  this  period. 


238  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


PART  III.      ADOPTION   OF    THE    CONSTITUTION. 

Sketches  have  been  preserved  of  the  debates  in  the 
several  State  conventions  which  met  to  consider  the 
ratification  of  the  new  Constitution ;  and  the  history 
of  the  circumstances,  the  feelings,  the  motives  and 
arguments  which  brought  one  after  another  within 
the  bond  can  be  learned  with  little  trouble.  Con 
cerning  this  matter  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  the  same  truth  prevails  which  has  been  stated 
of  the  Revolution,  —  that  it  will  not  bear  very  close 
examination,  without  revealing  a  vast  mass  of  detail 
in  respect  of  both  fact  and  sentiment,  which,  at  least 
for  picturesque  and  heroic  effect,  it  is  better  to  forget 
and  allow  to  become  lost  to  sight  in  the  distance. 
The  spectacle,  in  its  chief  features,  is  very  grand. 
This  great  system,  under  which  the  United  States 
have  expanded  to  such  a  measure  of  power  and  pros 
perity,  was  evolved  by  a  small  body  of  men  who 
spent  a  few  weeks  in  discussion,  the  delegates  of  a 
people  which  had  had  the  schooling  of  only  a  few 
brief  and  troubled  years  of  independence,  and  which 
yet  had  the  wisdom  and  the  temper  to  adopt  this 
novel  political  structure.  History  has  no  similar  tale 
with  which  this  may  be  compared.  About  the  same 
time,  it  is  true,  France  was  full  of  constitution- 
makers.  Every  person  who  knew  how  to  write,  in 
that  surprising  country,  had  a  sketch  of  a  perfect 
form  of  human  government  in  his  coat  pocket ;  but 
who  would  think  it  otherwise  than  insulting,  -to  set 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  men  who 
wrought  it,  the  people  that  accepted  it,  beside  the 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  239 

ephemeral  vagaries  and  the  galvanized  enthusiasts  of 
France  ? 

Yet  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the  picture  is 
not  all  a  mass  of  refulgent  glory.  The  people  did 
not  hail  with  unanimous  accord  and  accept  with  uni 
versal  delight  the  magnificent  prize  which  was  within 
their  grasp.  They  were  but  human ;  they  were  of 
various  degrees  of  intelligence  ;  they  had  their  share 
of  suspicion ;  they  were  anxious,  alarmed,  critical ; 
the  men  of  ability  and  high  repute,  even  the  honest 
and  disinterested  ones  among  them,  were  far  from 
being  all  upon  one  side ;  the  arguments  were  evenly 
balanced  to  a  painful  extent.  The  opponents  of  the 
new  scheme  were  scarcely  less  wise,  less  ingenious, 
less  plausible,  and  many  of  them  were  not  one  whit 
less  sincere  and  earnest,  than  were  its  leading  friends 
and  supporters.  Indeed,  if  any  person  will  so  far  as 
possible  do  that  which  it  is  impossible  to  do  thor 
oughly, —  divest  himself  of  his  knowledge  of  the 
working  during  nearly  one  hundred  years  of  that 
Constitution,  and  carry  himself  back  to  the  era  when 
all  which  is  to  us  familiar  fact  was  as  yet  novel 
theory,  and  will  read  the  many  deep  and  eager  dis 
cussions  which  then  took  place,  —  he  will  confess  that 
he  would  have  been  much  puzzled  to  determine  with 
which  side  the  weight  of  sound  argument  lay.  He  cer 
tainly  would  only  undertake  to  place  a  preponderance 
on  one  side ;  he  would  not  be  able  to  deny  the  vast 
gravity  of  the  opposing  considerations.  But  it  is  not 
possible  for  any  man  now  to  make  this  comparison 
fairly,  for  it  is  not  alone  a  knowledge  of  subsequent 
facts  which  stands  in  the  way  and  will  not  be  elimi 
nated,  but  the  entire  atmosphere  of  political  thought 


240  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

and  feeling  in  which  the  men  of  this  generation  have 
been  reared  has  been  so  far  impregnated  with  ele 
ments  which  ninety  years  ago  were  almost  embryonic, 
that  we  could  not  'think  in  the  same  way  that  our 
ancestors  did,  even  if  we  could  destroy  for  ourselves 
the  historical  facts  which  have  intervened  between 
their  day  and  our  own. 

A  noteworthy  feature  of  this  time,  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  was  the  lack  of  any  show  of  indifference. 
Men  were  ranged  upon  the  one  side  or  the  other  with 
much  warmth  of  conviction.  Many  of  course  had 
still  to  make  up  their  minds,  and  many  were  induced 
to  change  sides.  But  this  was  proof  of  the  deep 
interest  that  they  took  ;  they  were  eager  in  pursuit 
of  all  the  arguments  they  could  come  at ;  as  they 
were  malleable,  so  also  they  were  at  a  great  heat. 
There  was  no  longer  perceptible  any  trace  of  that 
carelessness  which  had  prevailed  at  the  time  of  the 
calling  of  the  National  Convention.  The  hopeless 
ness  and  prostration  which  then  paralyzed  the  land, 
chiefly  through  a  despair  of  any  result  being  attained, 
had  been  succeeded,  now  that  a  result  had  been  half 
achieved  and  was  on  the  verge  of  completion,  by  a 
feverish  excitement,  intense  interest,  eager  discussion, 
and  deep  conviction. 

Upon  both  sides  the  natural  tendency  to  run  into 
print  was  freely  indulged.  Letters  and  pamphlets, 
speeches  and  addresses,  were  circulated  without  stint. 
Of  these  the  collection  called  the  "  Federalist  "  alone 
remains  famous  after  the  lapse  of  three  generations 
since  the  point  in  dispute  was  finally  settled.  These 
famous  essays,  written  under  the  signature  of  "  Pub- 
lius,"  were,  as  is  well  known,  the  joint  productions 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  241 

of  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Jay.  The  first  was  writ 
ten  by  Hamilton,  in  the  cabin  of  a  small  vessel,  as 
he  was  sailing  up  the  Hudson.  Upon  none  of  them 
did  the  writer  expend  much  labor  in  composition,  nor 
were  they  expected  at  the  time  to  survive  the  days 
whose  necessity  called  them  forth.  But  these  men, 
writing  upon  a  subject  upon  which  they  had  thought 
so  long  and  concerning  which  they  felt  so  deeply, 
could  not  well  fail  to  produce  papers  worthy  of  an 
existence  at  least  coeval  with  the  frame  of  the  gov 
ernment  which  they  discussed.  They  wrote  from 
full  heads  and  full  hearts  words  which  will  not  soon 
be  allowed  to  die.  The  "  Federalist "  has  long  since 
been  acknowledged  to  be  the  ablest  treatise  on  our 
Constitution  which  has  ever  been,  or  is  likely  ever  to 
be,  written  ;  and  no  person  interested  in  such  topics 
fails  to  become  familiar  with  it  and  to  admire  it. 
The  greater  part  of  the  work  was  done  by  Hamilton. 
The  whole  series  consists  of  eighty-five  papers,  of 
which  number  he  contributed  fifty-one,  Madison 
twenty-nine,  and  Jay  five. 

But  if  these  alone,  of  all  the  publications  of  that 
day,  retain  their  full  value  at  the  present  time,  there 
were  abundant  rival  publications  which  then  claimed 
their  share  of  consideration.  There  were  few  men 
of  note  and  influence  in  any  part  of  the  country,  who 
did  not  publish  some  statement  of  their  views.  It 
was  plain  enough  that  no  ordinary  crisis  had  aroused 
a  contention  which  led  even  General  Washington  to 
set  his  sentiments  before  his  countrymen  in  the  shape 
of  a  letter.  As  may  be  supposed,  he  did  not  take 
this  step  until  it  had  been  so  generally  taken  by 
others  as  to  assume  the  appearance  of  a  duty.  Vir- 

VOL.    I.  16 


242  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

ginia  was  one  of  the  States  concerning  which  some 
doubt  and  anxiety  were  felt;  several  of  her  most 
prominent  citizens,  —  Edmund  Randolph,  Richard 
Henry  Lee,  and  George  Mason, — had  published  their 
objections  to  the  Constitution,  and  at  length  it 
seemed  incumbent  upon  Washington  to  speak  out. 
He  brought  down  upon  himself  much  harsh  and  in 
temperate  criticism ;  but  he  knew  that  the  best  judges 
in  the  States  approved  of  his  course.  The  men  of 
parts  and  cultivation  generally  confined  themselves 
to  fair,  if  somewhat  eager,  argument ;  but  a  lower 
class  of  writers  were  as  usual  scurrilous  and  abusive, 
dealing  not  only  in  invective  but  in  imputations  of 
gross  dishonesty,  which,  though  utterly  ridiculous, 
were  yet  not  altogether  devoid  of  influence  with 
certain  classes  of  the  community. 

It  would  have  been  well  had  the  quarrel  been 
confined  to  epithets,  however  vehement,  and  innu 
endoes,  however  groundless.  Unfortunately,  much 
more  practical  expressions  of  opinion  and  manifesta 
tions  of  antagonism  were  indulged  in.  The  news  of 
the  accession  of  any  State  to  the  Union  was  followed, 
as  it  sped  from  one  of  the  great  cities  to  another,  by 
a  train  of  public  rejoicings,  feasts,  processions,  the 
firing  of  guns,  and  the  other  similar  means  to  which 
people  resort  for  the  display  of  their  feelings.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  opponents  of  the  new  Constitu 
tion  were  exasperated  at  such  occurrences,  and  too 
often  undertook  to  interfere  with  the  provoking  tri 
umphs  and  unwelcome  ovations  of  the  Federalists. 
Not  unfrequently  violent  collisions  occurred.  Mobs 
and  riots  too  often  disgraced  this  era,  which  it  has 
been  deemed  proper  to  regard  as  presenting  such  a 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  243 

wonderful  glory  of  the  human  intellect  in  its  Ameri 
can  development.  The  effigies  of  prominent  Feder 
alists,  in  accordance  with  the  intelligent  custom  of 
the  times,  were  publicly  burned.  Cut-and-thrust  en 
counters  took  place  in  the  streets,  and  cannon  were 
even  hauled  to  the  front  to  intimidate  the  celebrants. 
Copies  of  the  Constitution  were  freely  destroyed, 
by  fire  and  otherwise,  much  to  the  gratification  of 
throngs  of  participants  and  observers.  But  there 
were  abundant  copies  left,  and  the  Federalists,  whose 
similitudes  were  consumed  by  the  flames,  suffered 
not  at  all  by  the  process.  A  great  proportion  of  these 
proceedings  occurred  in  New  York,  and  the  narrative 
is  worthy  of  repetition  only  to  show  how  far  down 
among  the  people  of  that  State  the  keen  interest  and 
partisanship  had  extended,  and  that  among  all  ranks 
of  society  there  was  none  that  was  careless  of  the 
controvers}^  or  indifferent  to  its  result. 

The  importance  of  the  State  of  New  York  might 
perhaps  be  exaggerated  in  the  mind  of  the  reader  of 
to-day,  by  reason  of  her  present  preeminent  position. 
But  her  proportionate  consequence  was  not  the  same 
in  1788.  Virginia  carried  much  greater  weight  in 
that  day,  and  the  adhesion  of  Virginia  was  regarded, 
not  indeed  with  so  much  anxiety  because  it  was 
more  probable,  but  with  much  stronger  desire.  Mas 
sachusetts,  also,  was  more  influential  as  a  leader  of 
opinion.  The  fate  of  the  experiment,  certainly,  was 
not  considered  to  hinge  upon  the  action  of  New 
York.  The  government  might  go  into  operation  and 
might  succeed  without  New  York,  though  unques 
tionably  the  chances  of  success  would  be  gravely  less 
under  such  circumstances.  New  York  already  had 


244  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

great  material  wealth ;  the  fact  that  the  city  had 
been  held  for  so  large  a  part  of  the  war  in  the 
almost  undisturbed  possession  of  the  British  had  ex 
tremely  promoted  its  prosperity.  There  had  been 
safety  there  for  money  and  traffic,  and  both  had 
naturally  sought  such  rare  and  grateful  security. 
The  tories,  who  were  generally  the  capitalists,  had 
lived  there  in  confidence  and  activity.  Besides  this, 
New  York  had  many  distinguished  men  within  her 
boundaries,  men  whom  the  nation  needed.  There 
were  Hamilton,  Schuyler,  John  Jay,  the  Livingston 
family,  and  Duane ;  and  scarcely  less  able,  though 
now  less  well  remembered  because  they  were  upon 
the  losing  side,  Governor  Clinton,  Melancthon  Smith, 
Chief  Justice  Yates,  Lansing,  and  Samuel  Jones.  But 
the  geographical  position  of  New  York  gave  her  more 
importance  than  any  other  single  trait ;  not  alone 
because  her  great  city  was  so  admirably  situated  as 
a  port,  because  the  Hudson  ran  within  her  limits  and 
she  touched  at  once  upon  the  Atlantic  and  upon 
the  lakes.  All  this  made  her  valuable  in  somewhat 
the  same  way  in  which  she  would  have  been  valuable 
had  she  contained  within  her  borders  great  mineral 
wealth,  or  other  substantial,  tangible  sources  of  mon 
eyed  prosperity.  But  beyond  this,  her  position  in 
relation  to  the  other  States  made  it  very  desirable 
that  she  should  be  a  part  of  the  nation.  Otherwise 
she  was  an  obstacle  to  unity  ;  she  divided  that  which 
should  be  continuous ;  she  disunited  the  Union.  -  It 
was  no  mere  consideration  of  effect  upon  a  map,  or  of 
sentiment,  or  even  of  convenience,  that  was  involved 
in  this  fact.  It  was  matter  of  grave  practical  import. 
To  such  an  extent  was  this  the  case,  that  there  can 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  245 

be  little  doubt  —  nor  did  the  men  of  that,  day  fail  to 
hold  the  same  belief  —  that  if  New  York  did  not  vol 
untarily  accede  she  would  ere  long  be  compelled  to 
accede  by  force  of  arms,  if  the  art  and  the  diplomacy 
of  the  new  nation  should  prove  unavailing.  This  act 
of  tyranny,  if  so  it  could  properly  be  described, 
would  be  rendered  essential  by  the  law  of  self-pres 
ervation.  If  it  should  not  be  done,  no  great  age 
would  be  reached  by  the  United  States  ere  New 
England  would  split  off  politically,  as  she  would 
from  the  beginning  be  sundered  geographically ;  and 
the  States  south  of  New  York  would  form  a  new 
combination,  or  new  combinations,  as  the  interest  or 
passion  of  the  time  should  dictate.  Unquestionably, 
of  those  who  labored  hard  to  bring  New  York  into 
the  Union  no  small  proportion  were  animated,  among 
other  motives,  by  the  belief  that,  if  indeed  there  was 
to  be  an  Union,  into  it  she  must  come  sooner  or 
later,  voluntarily  or  by  force.  It  was  not  open  to  a 
question  that,  if  such  were  the  case,  the  more  readily 
and  kindly  she  should  come  the  better  for  all  con 
cerned,  and  especially  the  better  for  her.  The  best 
selfishness  promoted  her  adhesion ;  the  selfishness  of 
Governor  Clinton's  party  of  opposition  was,  even  as 
selfishness,  a  gross  blunder,  a  short-sighted  folly. 

That  New  York  did  join  the  Union  by  vote  of  the 
first  and  only  convention  summoned  to  determine 
her  action  ;  that  she  did  not  wait  to  be  coerced  ;  that 
she  did  not  even  come  in  as  a  laggard  like  North 
Carolina,  or  with  hardly  conquered  reluctance  like 
Rhode  Island,  —  must  be  attributed  to  the  energy  and 
ability  of  Hamilton  more  than  to  any  other  single 
cause. 


246  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

John  Jay  and  Livingston  aided  him  greatly  in  the 
debates  of  the  State  Convention ;  circumstances  also 
aided  him  in  so  far  as  the  assent  of  nine  States,  ren 
dered  while  the  result  in  New  York  was  still  doubt 
ful,  made  it  certain  that  the  new  nation  would  be 
formed,  and  that  at  least  the  experiment  would,  be 
tried.  But  if  Jay  and  Livingston  had  been  silent,  or 
if  the  adhesion  of  nine  States  and  of  Virginia  had 
not  occurred  till  later,  it  remains  conceivable  that 
the  convention  of  New  York  should  have  taken  the 
same  action.  On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  reason 
ably  certain  that  if  the  influence  of  Hamilton  had 
been  absent,  if  the  steady  pressure  of  strong  argu 
ment  and  fervid  eloquence  which  he  untiringly  ap 
plied  had  been  withdrawn,  the  Clinton  party  would 
not  have  succumbed  at  least  so  early ;  and  what 
might  have  been  the  consequences  of  a  prolonged 
delay  it  is  difficult  to  surmise.  He  it  was  that  over 
threw  and  utterly  routed  that  numerous  and  stubborn 
Clintonian  host.  He  it  was,  if  any  man,  who  by 
efforts  the  most  wonderful  achieved  a  success  with 
out  parallel  in  political  history.  If  not  the  most 
famous,  it  was  really  the  greatest  feat  of  his  life.  If 
this  appears  like  the  language  of  extravagant  lauda 
tion,  the  appearance  is  certainly  unjust.  The  records 
of  the  New  York  Convention,  the  few  memoranda 
left  by  Chancellor  Kent  and  others,  would  amply 
support  much  more  eloquent  panegyric. 

The  convention  was  opened  at  Poughkeepsie,  June 
17,  1788.  Governor  Clinton,  as  deputy  from  Ulster, 
was  chosen  to  preside.  His  personal  characteristics 
were  a  sufficient  pledge  for  the  manner  in  which  the 
contest  was  to  be  waged  by  the  party  which  he  led. 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  247 

It  was  a  well-drilled  array,  not  quite  deserving  to  be 
called  subservient,  but  fully  in  accord  with  the  sen 
timents  of  the  governor,  and  perfectly  willing  to 
acknowledge  and  submit  to  his  supremacy.  He 
himself  was  an  able  man,  the  most  dangerous  kind 
of  political  fighter,  full  of  energy,  wielding  a  wide 
influence,  resolute,  fearless,  and  with  not  a  particle 
of  compromise  in  his  rigid  nature.  As  to  the  de 
merits  of  the  new  Constitution,  his  convictions  were 
simply  adamantine.  He  could  neither  be  persuaded, 
softened,  nor  circumvented,  but  stood  immutably 
steadfast.  He  was  not  a  man  of  the  highest  type  of 
intellect,  or  of  the  largest  range  of  vision  even  in  the 
business  of  his  life,  which  was  politics,  and  preemi 
nently  the  politics  of  the  State  of  New  York.  But 
he  was  what  is  called  a  "  hard-headed  "  man,  shrewd, 
practical,  earnest,  forcible.  With  good  followers  at 
his  back,  he  was  as  hard  a  man  to  beat  as  often  ap 
pears  in  public  life  ;  and  very  good  followers  he  had 
at  his  back.  Melancthori  Smith  was  overmatched  in 
argument  by  no  man  save  Hamilton  ;  Yates,  Lansing, 
Jones,  were  as  good  lieutenants  as  the  most  exacting 
general  could  demand.  So  far  as  the  brute  force  of 
numbers  went,  Clinton  could  not  have  wished  to  be 
in  better  condition  for  the  encounter.  Sixty-five  dele 
gates  were  divided  into  the  very  unequal  parties  of 
forty-six  against  the  Constitution,  and  nineteen  in 
favor  of  it.  The  tactics  of  the  faction,  also,  were 
cleverly  moderate.  It  was  not  their  design  to  reject 
the  instrument  altogether.  Some  of  the  less  resolute 
might  have  taken  alarm  at  so  decided  a  course,  and 
have  dra.wn  back  from  an  irrevocable  step.  The 
proposition  was  only  to  demand  a  long  adjournment 


248  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

—  till  the  following  spring  or  summer  —  with  the 
declared  plausible  purpose  of  acquiring  for  their  final 
deliberations  the  aid  of  some  observation  of  the 
working  of  the  experiment.  This  observation,  it 
was  correctly  anticipated,  would  militate  against 
adoption,  for  the  new  government  would  inevitably 
be  driven  to  take  some  measure  concerning  revenue, 
which  it  would  require  little  ingenuity  to  make  the 
basis  of  much  reproach  and  dissatisfaction. 

Hamilton  contemplated  with  grave  anxiety  the 
contest  which  was  before  him.  "  Violence,"  he 
wrote,  "  rather  than  moderation,  is  to  be  looked  for 
from  the  opposite  party.  Obstinacy  seems  to  be  the 
prevailing  trait  in  the  character  of  its  leader.  The 
language  is,  that,  if  all  the  other  States  adopt,  this 
is  to  persist  in  refusing  the  Constitution.  It  is  re 
duced  to  a  certainty  that  Clinton  has  in  several  con 
versations  declared  the  Union  unnecessary."  And 
again :  "  As  Clinton  is  truly  the  leader  of  his  party 
and  is  inflexibly  obstinate,  I  count  little  in  over 
coming  opposition  by  reason.  The  anti-federal  party 
have  a  majority  of  two-thirds  in  the  convention ; 
and,  according  to  the  best  estimate  I  can  form,  of 
about  four-sevenths  of  the  community."  He  foresaw 
a  merciless  conflict,  with  heavy  odds  upon  the  wrong 
side. 

Such  was  at  the  outset  the  complexion  of  the 
assembly.  But  very  soon  it  began  slowly  to  give 
symptoms  of  changing.  Clinton  desired  to  have  a 
vote  taken  promptly  upon  the  Constitution  as  a 
whole  ;  it  was  the  equally  obvious  policy  of  his  op 
ponents  to  protract  the  debate  sufficiently  long  to 
take  advantage  of  the  adhesion  of  other  States,  and 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  249 

especially  of  the  ninth  State,  which  was  expected  to 
occur  at  no  distant  day.  But  in  this  astute  endeavor 
he  was  worsted,  too  many  of  his  followers  being 
unwilling  to  appear  to  shut  off  free  debate.  Hamil 
ton  took  a  momentary  encouragement,  arid  wrote  to 
Madison  in  a  more  hopeful  strain.  But  it  was  still 
true  that  the  "adversaries  greatly  outnumbered"  the 
friends  of  the  scheme,  and  "  the  leaders  gave  indica 
tions  of  a  pretty  desperate  disposition  in  private  con 
versations,  previous  to  the  meeting;  but,  I  imagine, 
the  minor  partisans  have  their  scruples ;  and  an  air 
of  moderation  is  now  assumed.  So  far,  the  thing 
is  not  despaired  of.  A  happy  issue  with  you  must 
have  considerable  influence  upon  us." 

So  the  convention  went  into  committee  of  the 
whole  to  consider  the  Constitution  part  by  part.  In 
the  long  and  difficult  debates  which  ensued,  the 
burden  of  the  controversy  was  sustained  by  Hamil 
ton.  Jay  and  Livingston  gave  aid  from  time  to  time, 
as  able  as  it  was  welcome  ;  but  it  was  Hamilton  who, 
day  after  day,  in  a  series  of  speeches  as  closely  rea 
soned  as  they  were  fervent,  bore  the  brunt  of  the 
battle  and  managed  the  tactics  of  his  party.  Even 
hardened  students  of  history  would  probably  unite 
in  condemning  the  debates  concerning  the  merits  and 
demerits  of  our  Constitution  as  being  the  driest  mat 
ter  which  ever  taxed  the  statesmanship  of  a  genera 
tion  of  distinguished  men.  Necessary  to  have  taken 
place  the  events  undoubtedly  were  ;  wisely  to  be 
skipped  is  the  verdict  usually  passed  upon  the  narra 
tive  of  them.  Yet,  incredible  as  it  may  seem,  there 
is  abundant  contemporary  evidence,  that  the  audience 
listening  to  Hamilton's  argumentative  but  eloquent 


250  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

harangues  was  more  than  once  so  visibly  affected 
that  tears  stood  in  the  eyes  of  many,  and  such  men 
as  Chancellor  Kent  could  not  find  words  too  emphatic 
to  express  their  admiration.  Speeches  which  embod 
ied  the  logic  of  the  " Federalist"  would  hardly  be  ex 
pected  to  touch  the  pathetic  chord ;  thus  we  think 
at  this  day.  But  not  so  did  people  feel  in  1788.  It 
should  be  remembered,  too,  that  Hamilton  was  by 
nature  a  very  powerful  orator,  —  one  of  the  greatest 
that  has  lived  in  modern  times.  In  the  present 
instance  he  spoke  upon  subjects  with  which  he  was 
so  exhaustively  familiar,  that  he  could  pour  forth 
his  ideas  in  finished  shape  and  consecutive  course 
without  forethought  or  preparation.  Never  in  his 
life,  probably,  was  he  so  deeply  in  earnest  as  upon 
this  occasion ;  his  intense  nature  was  wrought  up  to 
the  extreme  of  interest.  He  spoke  to  persons  in  a 
similar  frame  of  mind.  Men  of  the  present  genera 
tion  know  how  the  struggle  for  the  preservation  of 
the  nation  wrought  upon  the  feelings  of  all  classes 
of  the  community.  Let  them  go  back  and  consider 
the  condition  of  the  country  during  the  few  years  of 
increasing  misery  and  despair  \Vhich  had  elapsed  since 
the  close  of  the  war  with  Great  Britain ;  let  them 
consider  what  was  the  prospect  before  the  country 
if  this  last  grand  and  desperate  effort  for  unity  an.d 
strength  should  fail ;  and  let  them  say  whether  such 
an  occasion  did  not  furnish  material  for  oratorical 
appeals  which  should  stir  to  the  lowest  depths  the 
souls  of  all  hearers.  It  is  not  incredible,  then,  that 
in  the  course  of  this  dry  constitutional  discussion 
Hamilton  called  tears  into  the  eyes  even  of  dispu 
tants  quite  capable  of  following  and  criticising  his 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  251 

most  accurate  logic,  his  most  elaborate  arguments. 
But  a  great  loss  and  misfortune  it  is  that  no  report 
of  these  speeches,  nothing  but  the  baldest  outline 
and  occasional  jotting  down  of  a  striking  sentence, 
has  come  down  to  us.  In  this  respect  Hamilton  has 
suffered  like  the  elder  Pitt,  with  the  additional  mis 
fortune,  too,  that  the  less  noble  forum,  the  less  popu 
lar  topics,  and  the  greatness  of  the  rest  of  his  career, 
have  caused  even  the  tradition  of  his  fame  as  an  ora 
tor  to  be  half-forgotten. 

To  reproduce,  even  in  outline,  the  arguments 
of  Hamilton  before  the  convention  is  impossible. 
When  one  undertakes  to  make  a  brief  abstract  of 
such  parts  of  his  speeches  as  have  survived,  the  den 
sity  of  his  thought  becomes  very  obvious.  There  is 
little  that  can  be  compressed  without  loss,  nothing 
that  can  be  altogether  omitted.  The  earlier  stage  of 
the  conflict  took  place  upon  a  stale  battle-ground. 
The  party  of  opposition  still  entrenched  themselves 
behind  the  old  Confederation.  Tedious  and  discour 
aging  as  it  was,  Hamilton  was  yet  compelled  to  return 
to  this  controversy,  wherein  victory,  already  many 
times  achieved,  must  at  last  begin  to  seem  almost 
useless.  Yet  he  patiently  reiterated  his  exposition 
of  the  proved  and  transparent  folly  of  having  in  fact 
thirteen  different  bodies  to  judge  of  the  measures 
of  the  one  supreme  body.  Coercion,  the  Clinto- 
nians  said,  might  be  resorted  to  for  the  collection 
of  requisitions  from  delinquent  States ;  it  needed 
only  that  Congress  should  have  a  little  greater  power 
to  apply  physical  pressure.  This  point  Hamilton  met 
with  the  vigorous  contempt  which  it  well  merited, 
and  which  a  generation  that  has  seen  the  process  of 


252  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

military  coercion  tried  will  well  appreciate.  "To 
coerce  the  States,"  he  exclaimed,  "  is  one  of  the  mad 
dest  projects  that  ever  was  devised ;  a  failure  to 
comply  will  not  be  confined  to  a  single  State.  Will 
it  be  wise  to  hazard  a  civil  war  ?  Should  Massachu 
setts,  or  any  large  State  refuse,  and  should  Congress 
attempt  to  compel  them,  would  they  not  have  influ 
ence  to  procure  assistance,  especially  from  other 
delinquent  States?  What  a  picture  does  this  pre 
sent  !  —  A  complying  State  at  war  with  a  non-com 
plying  State !  Congress  marching  the  troops  of  one 
State  into  the  bosom  of  another !  This  State  col 
lecting  auxiliaries  and  forming  perhaps  a  majority 
against  its  federal  head !  Here  is  a  nation  at  war 
with  itself !  Can  any  reasonable  man  be  well-dis 
posed  to  a  government  which  makes  war  and  carnage 
the  only  means  of  supporting  itself,  —  a  government 
that  can  exist  only  by  the  sword  ?  " 

It  was  a  shrewd  move  of.  Hamilton's  also",  in  this 
connection,  to  show  up  the  form  of  government  sanc 
tioned  by  the  Confederation  as  the  most  odious  and 
dangerous  "form  of  despotism.  The  nervous  jealousy 
with  which  the  people  regarded  their  new  indepen 
dence  was  a  chord  played  upon  strenuously,  with  great 
success  and  probably  not  always  with  perfect  sincerity, 
by  the  opposition.  The  new  government  was  alleged 
to  be  too  strong,  too  centralized,  too  aristocratic. 
Hamilton  met  them  with  the  plea  of  son  assault 
demesne;  he  showed  that  if  the  assertions  of  his 
opponents  were  true,  if  the  governing  body  under 
the  Confederation  really  had  in  itself  all  the  powers 
indispensable  to  an  efficient  government,  then  it  was 
potentially  the  most  alarming  possible  form  of  des- 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  253 

potism,  the  surest  possible  foundation  of  an  aristoc 
racy.  For,  if  their  description  was  correct,  it  was 
subject  to  no  checks,  possessed  unlimited  power  of 
taxation,  and  had  full  control  of  the  national  forces. 
This  position  could  not  be  met  by  the  Clintonians 
without  a  retraction  of  their  own  statements  con 
cerning  the  sufficient  authority  of  the  confederate 
Congress. 

Hamilton's  next  task  was  to  defend  the  House  of 
Representatives,  which  the  Clintonians  said  would 
surely  never  consent  to  increase  its  own  numbers,  and 
so  would  prevent  a  proper  representation.  Hamilton 
conceived  that  delegates  who  must  go  back  to  their 
constituents  every  two  years  would  hardly  venture 
to  run  counter  to  the  popular  will,  would  rather  be 
likely  to  seek  too  subserviently  to  learn  and  follow  it. 
Experience  lias  certainly  vindicated  his  arguments. 
But  the  anti-constitutionists  were  for  ever  harping 
upon  this  argument  of  the  successful  rascality  of 
mankind  ;  they  sacrificed  the  reputation  of  humanity 
with  perfect  hardihood.  It  was  difficult  to  refute 
arguments  based  upon  such  broad,  vague  dogmas ; 
and  Hamilton  found  himself  continually  obliged  to 
assert  with  corresponding  obstinacy  that  the  world 
and  its  inhabitants  had  not  fallen  into  such  a  slough 
of  wickedness  as  the  Clintonians  imagined. 

The  Senate,  however,  formed  the  most  salient  point 
of  offence  to  the  opponents  of  the  Constitution.  It 
was  the  unpopular  offspring  of  a  compromise  ;  and  the 
jealousy  manifested  towards  it  was  extreme.  It 
seemed  to  be  the  fit  foundation  for  the  usurpation  of 
tyrannical  power,  for  the  erection  of  an  aristocrary, 
for  the  outgrowth  of  formidable  political  cabals ;  it 


254  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

was  the  perpetuation  of  a  gross  inequality.  It  was 
altogether  out  of  accordance  with  the  pure  democratic 
doctrine  and  with  the  pure  representative  doctrine. 
It  could  be  referred  to  no  principle  and  was  a  part 
of  no  theory  of  government.  Abstractly  considered, 
it  appeared  as  an  anomaly  not  based  upon  reason, 
but  the  bastard  offspring  of  convenience,  an  illogical 
tribute  to  the  importunities  of  the  smaller  States.  In. 
the  New  York  Convention  a  severe  assault  was  made 
upon  it,  and  amendments  were  suggested  and  eagerly 
advocated,  of  a  nature  utterly  to  destroy  its  peculiar 
character  and  usefulness.  For  example,  Lansing 
strongly  sustained  a  project  for  making  senators 
subject  to  recall  during  their  term  of  service. 

Hamilton  came  vigorously  to  the  rescue  of  that 
feature  in  the  whole  government  which  probably  he 
regarded  with  the  most  satisfaction ;  the  feature 
which  possessed  the  trait  of  permanence,  which 
promised  stability  in  counsels,  decorum  in  aspect, 
reflection  before  action,  dignity  in  conduct ;  which 
was  expected  to  check  the  occasional  democratic 
rashness  of  the  House,  to  attract  the  respect  of 
the  political  world  and  especially  of  foreign  nations. 
He  dwelt  upon  the  necessity  of  a  body  which  being 
small,  permanent,  independent  of  local  prejudices, 
deriving  political  knowledge  from  a  long  experience, 
could  check  the  more  numerous  and  mutable  popular 
branch.  The  House  of  Representatives  coming  in 
closer  contact  with  the  people  must  more  sensitively 
reproduce  the  eager  and  changing  passions  of  the 
masses.  Yet  the  people,  however  deeply  interested 
in  the  national  welfare,  were  liable  to  be  deceived, 
misinformed,  carried  away  by  impulse.  "  These 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  255 

truths,"  said  he,  "  are  not  often  told  in  public  assem 
blies,  but  they  cannot  be  unknown  to  any  who  hear 
me."  A  friend  sitting  by  him  thought  that  he  was 
growing  imprudently  bold  in  his  language  and  sought 
privately  to  interrupt  him,  but  he  refused  to  accept 
the  hint,  being  fully  resolved  to  utter  what  he  thought 
the  truth,  ffhe  Senate  was  to  be  the  safeguard 
against  what  would  otherwise  be  a  too  democratic 
system  of  government.  Local  prejudices  might  find 
their  way  even  into  that  body ;  it  would  not  always 
dwell  upon  serene  heights  above  all  error,  partiality, 
or  passion.  But,  said  he,  "  shall  we  then  form  a  Con 
stitution  to  cherish  and  strengthen  these  prejudices  ? 
Shall  we  confirm  the  distemper  instead  of  remedying 
it  ?  "  \  As  for  the  power  of  recall,  which  Lansing  sug 
gested,  it  would  only  have  the  effect  to  keep  the 
senators  subservient  to  those  very  local  interests 
which  it  was  the  special  function  of  the  senatorial 
body  to  merge  in  national  views.  The  authority  of 
the  Senate  in  relation  to  foreign  affairs  also  rendered 
a  long  tenure  of  office  necessary ;  for  knowledge  of 
these  matters  must  be  gradually  acquired.  Negotia 
tions  also  moved  slowly,  and  a  break  in  the  chain  of 
responsibility  would  injuriously  influence  the  thor 
oughness  of  execution. 

One  amendment  wrhich  was  much  pressed  by  the 
anti-constitution  party,  and  to  which  recent  occur 
rences  give  some  interest,  took  from  the  national  gov 
ernment  the  power  to  require  the  services  of  the 
militia  of  any  State  beyond  the  bounds  of  the  State 
itself,  except  with  consent  of  the  local  legislature.  It 
was  a  fatal  blunder  ;  for  the  greatest  willingness  which 
a  State  government  could  manifest  to  put  their 


256  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

militia  at  the  service  of  the  government  would  be  far 
from  equivalent  in  either  moral  or  material  effects  to 
the  positive  and  substantial  power  vested  in  the  cen 
tral  authority.  But  the  extravagant  jealousy 'of  the 
national  government  found  no  better  chimera  upon 
which  to  fasten  than  that  of  military  power.  Ham 
ilton  spoke  warmly  against  the  proposition,  having 
naturally  but  slender  sympathy  with  this  blind  unrea 
sonable  dread  which  prevailed  of  a  grand  despotism. 
The  restriction  he  declared  was  impolitic.  If  it  was 
the  intent  of  the  States  to  guard  against  a  standing 
army,  they  must  be  satisfied  to  yield  to  the  general 
government  the  most  unqualified  control  over  the 
militia.  To  apprehend  danger  from  this  source  while 
the  States  appointed  the  officers,  he  declared  to  be  a 
novel  idea,  sprung  from  unenlightened  and  distem 
pered  jealousy.  The  war  of  the  Revolution  had  suffi 
ciently  proved  the  great  usefulness  of  the  militia  on 
special  occasions  and  the  remissness  of  the  States  in 
sending  their  forces  to  the  aid  of  each  other,  each 
having  too  often  preferred  to  wait  until  the  war  should 
approach  its  own  doors  before  putting  forth  its  best 
exertions.  The  control  of  the  national  forces,  the 
strength  of  the  community,  must  be  placed  with  con 
fidence  arid  without  cumbersome  limitation  in  the 
hands  of  the  body  which  was  charged  with  the  duty 
of  the  common  defence. 

At  last,  the  whole  Constitution  having  thus  been 
fought  over,  part  by  part,  the  time  came  for  the  con 
vention  to  take  some  final  action.  It  was  with 
much  anxiety  that  the  Federalists  contemplated  the 
prospects.  Every  thing  that  men  could  do  in  the 
way  of  argument  and  of  influence  they  certainly  had 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  257 

done,  and  circumstances  also  had  come  to  their  aid. 
They  had  not  been  long  in  deliberation  when  New 
Hampshire  gave  in  her  adhesion ;  and,  being  the 
ninth  State  to  do  so,  she  thereby  made  certain  the 
trial  of  the  experiment.  Later,  Virginia  also  had  ac 
cepted  the  Constitution.  The  important  effect  which 
was  anticipated  from  this  latter  occurrence  may  be 
learned  from  a  letter  written  by  Hamilton  to  Madison 
while  the  decision  of  that  great  State  was  still  in 
abeyance :  "  There  is  more  and  more  reason  to  believe 
that  our  conduct  will  be  influenced  by  yours.  .  .  . 
Our  arguments  confound,  but  do  not  convince.  Some 
of  the  leaders,  however,  appear  to  be  convinced  by 
circumstances,  and  to  be  desirous  of  a  retreat.  This 
does  not  apply  to  the  chief,  who  wishes  to  establish 
Ciintonism  on  the  basis  of  Anti-federalism"  And  far 
ther  :  "  There  are  some  slight  symptoms  of  relaxation 
in  some  of  the  leaders,  which  authorize  a  gleam  of 
hope  if  you  do  well ;  but  certainly,  I  think,  not 
otherwise."  A  few  days  later,  when  the  end  in 
New  York  was  close  at  hand,  a  less  cheerful  tone  is 
perceptible. 

The  outlook  was  indeed  gloomy.  No  more  reso 
lute  and  relentless  antagonist  than  Governor  Clinton 
ever  fought  out  a  stern  fight  to  its  uttermost  end. 
A  considerable  defection  from  his  ranks  might  occur 
and  still  leave  him  a  handsome  majority.  Yet  there 
was  that  lurking  feeling  of  disquietude  and  uncer 
tainty  in  the  atmosphere  which  made  each  side  loath 
to  push  matters  to  the  stage  of  a  final  vote.  There 
was  a  suspicion  that  many  men  might  change  sides 
at  the  last  minute.  A  fermentation  was  going  on 
which  the  Federalists  watched  with  eager,  anxious 

VOL.    I.  17 


258  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

hope.  Their  arguments  were  slowly  working ;  facts 
also  were  working.  The  more  time  that  the  dele 
gates  had  for  cool  reflection,  now  that  the  din  of  im 
mediate  battle  was  over,  the  more  clearly  did  they 
see  that  the  Federalists  had  fairly  conquered  in  de 
bate  ;  also  that  the  position  of  New  York  as  an 
outlying  State  would  be  very  precarious.  It  was 
evident  that  the  members  were  inclined  to  think 
carefully  before  voting  upon  the  final  question ;  it 
became  daily  more  evident  that  they  would  vote 
independently  and  according  to  individual  convic 
tion,  when  at  last  the  moment  should  come  for  doing 
so.  Accordingly  the  body  met  day  after  day,  — 
sometimes  transacting  a  little  business,  sometimes 
none ;  and  so  again  and  again  adjourned. 

During  this  period  of  hesitation  the  anti -constitu 
tion  party  steadily  lost  ground,  and  knew  that  it  was 
doing  so.  The  effect  of  the  thinking  which  was  going 
on  was  all  against  it.  Still,  apparently,  it  was  afraid 
to  urge  matters  too  abruptly  to  a  conclusion :  for  this 
course  was  too  obviously  not  in  accordance  with  the 
wishes  of  the  convention,  sure  to  be  unpopular,  and 
therefore  to  involve  danger.  The  sense  of  their  inse 
curity  was  shown  by  the  Clintonians  in  the  tactics 
pursued  by  them.  They  preferred  flank  movements 
rather  than  conflict  face  to  face.  Lansing  brought 
forward  a  mass  of  amendments  carefully  tabulated, 
and  divided  into  three  classes,  —  explanatory,  condi 
tional,  and  recommendatory.  Upon  this  subject  a 
committee  of  compromise  was  appointed,  but  accom 
plished  nothing.  The  anti-federalists  upon  the  com 
mittee  urged  a  conditional  ratification.  This  was 
stigmatized  by  Jay  as  tantamount  to  a  rejection,  but 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  259 

supported  by  Melancthon  Smith  and  Lansing  as  quite 
within  the  power  of  a  sovereign  State.  Jay  moved 
an  unconditional  ratification,  and  had  a  lively  pas- 
sage-at-arms  with  Clinton. 

Hamilton  came  to  the  aid  of  his  friend,  and  set 
forth  very  clearly  the  meaningless  absurdity  of  a 
conditional  ratification.  Governor  Clinton  had  been 
much  exercised  upon  the  question  by  what  authority 
the  Federal  Convention,  elected  to  suggest  alterations 
in  the  Confederation,  had  submitted  a  draft  of  a  new 
scheme  of  government.  With  equal  logic  and  more 
substantial  reason,  Hamilton  now  questioned  the 
power  of  this  State  convention  to  dictate  amend 
ments  and  to  accept  the  Constitution  conditionally. 
The  delegates  had  been  chosen  and  deputed  to  con 
sider,  and  either  to  accept  or  reject  on  behalf  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  a  certain  specific  form  of  government. 
In  common  with  other  freemen  they  might  recom 
mend,  but  they  could  not  chaffer  and  bargain  and 
enter  into  stipulations  and  contracts.  And  whatever 
power  this  convention  might  lawfully  exercise,  or 
might  unlawfully  venture  to  assume  in  the  expecta 
tion  of  a  subsequent  ratification  of  its  action  by  the 
people,  yet  there  was  no  party  of  the  other  part; 
there  was  no  body  with  whom  the  contract  could  be 
entered  into,  who  could  accept  the  conditions  and 
bind  fast  the  compact.  No  future  Congress  could 
have  any  power  under  the  Constitution  to  pursue 
any  such  course,  or  to  bargain  with  a  State.  The 
ratification,  not  being  absolute,  could  not  be  treated 
by  Congress  as  a  ratification ;  wherefore  it  must  be 
treated  as  a  rejection.  Congress  could  not  directly 
or  indirectly  make  any  amendment  a  part  of  the 


260  LIFE   OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

Constitution.  It  might  in  its  discretion,  if  the  topic 
fell  within  its  powers,  embody  it  in  a  law  ;  but  there 
would  be  no  security  for  the  permanence  of  such  an 
enactment,  which  might  be  repealed  at  any  session 
subsequent  to  its  passage.  It  was  obviously  futile 
for  New  York  to  seek,  by  any  action  of  her  own,  to 
manufacture  laws  for  the  Union.  It  was  hardly 
necessary  for  Hamilton  to  add  that,  even  if  such  a 
feat  could  be  accomplished  by  any  legal  or  political 
jugglery,  it  would  be  preposterous  to  cherish  any 
hope  that  the  other  States  would  submit  to  it.  The 
utter  impossibility  of  the  plan  was  capable  of  demon 
stration. 

The  debate  upon  this  point  was  interrupted  by  a 
motion  for  an  adjournment  to  the  second  day  of 
September,  in  order,  as  it  was  said,  to  enable  the 
delegates  to  inform  themselves  of  the  sentiments  of 
their  constituents  in  the  changed  attitude  of  affairs 
presented  by  the  concurrence  of  so  many  States. 
The  debate  on  the  Constitution  had  closed  upon 
July  7.  This  new  motion,  made  upon  July  16,  was 
debated  for  two  days.  It  was  indicative  of  a  feeling 
of  distrust  among  the  Clintonians ;  it  was  a  tempo 
rary  shift  to  stay  the  victory  of  their  adversaries,  and 
to  take  the  advantage  which  might  be  forthcoming 
in  the  chapter  of  accidents.  That  in  case  of  need 
the  move  would  be  made,  had  been  known  to  the 
Federalists.  They  were  prepared  for  it,  and  defeated 
it,  after  Hamilton  had  delivered  one  of  his  most 
brilliant  and  effective  speeches. 

The  next  day  the  controversy  as  to  a  conditional 
ratification  was  renewed ;  and  then  occurred  one  of 
the  most  striking  and  agreeable  features  in  the  entire 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  261 

history  of  this  long  and  exciting  contest.  Feeling 
had  run  so  high,  men  had  so  far  committed  them 
selves  to  one  side  or  the  other,  that  judging  from  the 
ordinary  course  of  like  debates  we  should  expect  to 
find  individuals  growing  more  confirmed  in  their 
respective  prejudices,  rather  than  listening  to  oppos 
ing  arguments  with  minds  open  to  conviction.  What 
then  must  be  our  surprise,  when,  at  this  stage  of  the 
proceedings,  we  find  Melancthon  Smith, — in  reasoning 
power  the  unquestioned  leader  of  the  anti-federalists, 
a  frequent  speaker,  the  most  formidable  opponent  of 
Hamilton  upon  every  point,  —  now  manfully  stand'  for 
ward  in  the  convention,  frankly  avow  that  Hamilton's 
arguments  had  convinced  him  of  the  impossibility  of 
a  conditional  ratification,  though  he  had  himself  moved 
it ;  and  declare  that  he  wished  to  withdraw  his  motion 
and  to  offer  a  substitute  by  the  terms  of  which  the  State 
ratified  absolutely,  but  reserved  to  itself  the  right  to 
recede  at  a  certain  future  date,  if  some  proposed 
amendments  should  not  then  have  been  adopted. 

The  Federalists  had  won  a  great  victory,  but  had 
been  brought  by  the  result  of  their  .  success  itself 
into  a  most  perilous  predicament.  The  substance 
of  Smith's  proposition,  as  well  as  the  manner  of  its 
introduction,  made  its  acceptance  only  too  probable. 
All  felt  the  gravity  of  the  occasion.  On  the  day 
after  the  suggestion  had  been  thrown  out  the  House 
met,  but  silence  reigned ;  no  one  showed  any  dispo 
sition  to  debate,  and  an  adjournment  was  forthwith 
had.  Another  committee  sat,  informally,  to  consider 
the  amendments.  Hamilton  again  spoke  forcibly 
against  them.  Smith  then  again  rose,  acknowledged 
himself  fully  satisfied  of  the  uselessness  of  any  rati- 


262  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

fication  conditional  in  its  nature  ;  and  the  question 
then  lying  between  acceptance  or  rejection,  he  de 
clared  his  intention  to  cast  his  vote  for  acceptance. 
At  the  same  time  he  drew  a  picture  far  from  comfort 
ing  of  the  probable  condition  of  New  York  as  an 
independent  State  lying  outside  the  Union.  This 
action  upon  his  part  may  be  said  to  have  been  con 
clusive  of  the  fate  of  the  contest.  It  was  useless 
for  the  anti-federalists  to  prolong  the  fight  after 
Smith  had  gone  over  to  the  opposite  ranks.  Many 
seized  the  moment  to  declare  that  they  were  of 
the  same  mind  with  that  gentleman,  who  had  so 
long  been  their  redoubted  champion  and  principal 
trusted  leader  in  debate. 

It  was  useless  now  for  Clinton  to  declare  that,  as 
a  representative  of  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of 
Ulster,  his  conscience  would  not  permit  him  to  vote 
for  the  ratification.  Equally  in  vain  was  it  for  Lan 
sing,  upon  the  next  day,  to  renew  and  urge  the  motion 
that  the  reservation  of  the  right  to  withdraw  should 
be  appended  to  the  act  of  ratification.  Hamilton 
spoke  again ;  Smith  followed  upon  the  same  side 
with  his  quondam  adversary ;  Hamilton  then  closed 
the  debate  with  a  grand  final  effort.  Such  an  alli 
ance  of  chieftains  was  invincible  ;  such  persistence 
could  not  be  encountered.  The  final  question  was 
put,  and  on  July  25,  nearly  three  weeks  after  the 
discussion  upon  the  merits  of  the  Constitution  itself 
had  closed — three  weeks  of  unremitting  anxiety  and 
toil  for  the  friends  of  the  scheme  —  the  convention 
of  New  York  adopted  the  Constitution  by  the  narrow 
but  sufficient  majority  of  three  votes. 

When  the  proposition  to  ratify  with  the  reservation 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  263 

of  a  power  of  withdrawal  in  a  certain  contingency 
was  under  consideration,  Hamilton,  though  having 
no  doubt  in  his  own  mind  of  its  illegality  and  in 
sufficiency,  wrote  in  some  distress  of  mind  to  Madison 
for  his  opinion.  The  reply  was :  "  A  reservation  of 
a  right  to  withdraw,  if  amendments  be  not  decided 
on  under  the  form  of  the  Constitution  within  a  certain 
time,  is  a  conditional  ratification.  It  does  not  make 
New  York  a  member  of  the  new  Union,  and  conse 
quently  she  cannot  be  received  on  that  plan.  .  .  . 
The  Constitution  requires  an  adoption  in  toto  and/br 
ever."  To  so  complete  and  everlasting  an  obligation 
was  it  at  that  time  considered  by  Madison  that  the 
contracting  States  were  binding  themselves.  There 
is  in  these  words  no  basis  for  that  doctrine  of  seces 
sion  which  has  been  declared  to  be  quite  in  harmony 
with  the  ideas  of  the  founders  of  the  Constitution. 

On  July  29  Hamilton  arrived  from  Poughkeepsie 
in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  again  taking  his  seat 
in  Congress  had  the  well-merited  pleasure  of  pre 
senting  to  that  body  the  formal  ratification  of  the 
Constitution  by  his  State.  Intense  had  been  the 
excitement  in  that  city  while  the  action  of  the  State 
convention  remained  in  abeyance.  In  Congress  the 
public  business  was  for  the  time  neglected,  while 
the  citizens  seemed  to  forget  their  private  affairs 
as  they  moved  about  the  streets  anxiously  seeking 
the  latest  news.  Late  in  the  evening  of  July  28 
the  final  vote  was  made  known,  and  at  once  the  joy 
and  triumph  of  the  Federalists  found  vent  in  a 
glad  uproar.  The  bells  of  the  city  rang  out  loud 
peals ;  the  cannon  of  the  forts  swelled  the  din ;  a 
procession  was  quickly  formed  and  marched  through 


264  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

the  streets,  pausing  to  fire  salutes  before  the  resi 
dences  of  those  delegates  to  the  convention  whose 
services  were  supposed  to  have  promoted  the  happy 
end. 

Such  was  the  impromptu  celebration ;  but  a  more 
formal  and  elaborate  scene  was  forthwith  prepared 
in  the  shape  of  a  grand  civic  procession,  wherein 
paraded  in  divisions  the  members  of  the  learned 
professions,  merchants,  traders,  and  artisans,  singing 
gratulatory  odes  and  carrying  banners  on  which  the 
names  and  portraits  of  Washington  and  Hamilton 
were  frequently  repeated.  The  printers  appeared 
with  a  press,  and  a  banner  bearing  the  familiar  nom 
de  plume  of  the  "  Federalist,"  Publius,  and  the  mot 
toes  "  Liberty  of  the  Press,"  "  The  Epoch  of  Lib 
erty  and  Justice."  The  sailmakers  had  upon  a  stage 
the  ship  "New  Constitution,"  and  a  banner  upon 
which  was  emblazoned  the  figure  of  Hamilton  hold 
ing  in  his  left  hand  the  scroll  of  the  "  Confederation," 
in  his  right  hand  the  "  Constitution,"  while  Fame 
with  her  trumpet  and  laurels  appeared  in  the  act 
of  crowning  him.  Conspicuous  also  was  the  federal 
frigate  "Hamilton,"  fully  manned,  responding  with 
frequent  salutes  to  the  applause  of  the  gazing  crowds. 
A  vast  public  feast  closed  the  day,  which  may  justly 
be  called  the  proudest  of  Hamilton's  life. 

The  prominence  given  to  Hamilton  in  the  pageant 
in  honor  of  the  new  Constitution  is  sufficient  evi 
dence  of  the  influence  which  the  men  of  that  time 
knew  that  he  had  exercised  in  its  behalf.  In  which 
connection  may  be  noted  his  behavior  in  a  somewhat 
odd  predicament  created  by  the  Clintonians.  Not 
unfrequently  these  gentlemen  sought  to  turn  a  lib- 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  265 

eral  praise  of  his  abilities  into  a  weapon  in  their 
own  hands.  They  averred  that  he  was  so  able,  so 
persuasive,  so  eloquent,  so  ingenious,  such  a  master 
of  argument,  that  he  was  not  to  be  trusted ;  that  he 
could  produce  any  appearance  which  he  wished.  The 
listener  who  was  carried  away  by  his  oratory  and  left 
helpless  before  his  logic  was  reminded  that  it  was 
not  the  right,  speaking  through  him  as  a  mouth-piece, 
which  made  him  seem  persuasive  and  unanswerable  ; 
but  that  it  was  his  surpassing  and  consummate  gen 
ius  which  made  the  wrong  to  wear  the  aspect  of 
the  right.  The  gentlemen  who  used  these  compli 
mentary  arguments  seemed  quite  forgetful  of  the 
obvious  reflection,  that  one  having  such  wonderful 
gifts  as  they  described  might  also  have  a  clearer 
vision  to  discern  the  right  than  those  mortals  Avho 
acknowledged  themselves  his  inferiors  in  capacity. 
Unable  to  cope  with  him  in  reasoning,  might  they 
not  be  equally  unable  to  rival  him  in  foresight  ?  To 
many  persons,  such  an  assault  might  have  proved  em 
barrassing  and  been  passed  over  in  silence.  Not  so, 
however,  did  Hamilton  encounter  it ;  but  with  his 
wonted  bold  honesty  he  faced  his  opponents  at 
every  point  at  which  they  saw  fit  to  attack  him. 
Very  candidly,  and  yet  very  modestly,  he  spoke  of 
the  manner  in  which  "  even  his  supposed  talents  had 
been  wrested  to  his  dishonor,"  and  sought  to  show 
the  improbability  of  his  seeking  voluntarily  to  sub 
vert  the  liberties  of  the  nation  in  which  the  destinies 
of  his  family  were  bound  up.  "  The  suspicion,"  said 
he,  "  is  unjust !  The  charge  is  uncharitable  ;  "  and 
so  it  certainly  was ! 

In  a  proper  view  no  part  of  Hamilton's  career  is 


266  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

more  distinguished  than  the  few  months  of  which  the 
history  has  just  been  narrated.  No  achievement  in 
which  he  bore  any  part  more  fully  manifests  the 
greatness  of  his  mind  and  character  than  do  his 
labors  in  behalf  of  the  Constitution ;  no  greater  ser 
vice  did  he  ever  render  to  the  country.  His  chief 
success  began  after  the  instrument  had  been  framed. 
Even  more  zealously  than  he  had  striven  to  bring 
the  Convention  together  did  he  strive  after  its  ad 
journment  to  secure  the  fruit  of  its  labors.  His 
efforts  were  not  confined  to  the  pages  of  the  "  Federal 
ist  "  and  the  debates  of  the  New  York  convention, 
but  were  pursued  also  in  other  less  conspicuous 
fields.  Upon  all  sides  he  conducted  an  extensive 
correspondence,  and  by  constant  exhortation  he  kept 
the  friends  of  the  new  scheme  well  up  to  their  best 
unflagging  exertions  throughout  the  country.  He 
advised,  encouraged,  and  constantly  incited  them. 
He  kept  them  united,  and  never  permitted  the  mag 
netic  current  of  sympathy  and  the  cheerful  senti 
ment  of  fellow-feeling  in  a  grand  labor  to  be  checked 
for  a  moment.  By  his  own  untiring  constancy  he 
prevented  others  from  becoming  idle  or  indifferent  in 
the  cause. 

It  may  be  questioned  whether  or  not,  if  the  "  Fed 
eralist  "  had  not  been  written  and  sent  far  and  wide 
among  the  people,  the  Constitution  would  have  been 
adopted.  When  the  question  came  before  them  the 
great  mass  of  the  citizens  were  sadly  in  need  of 
instructions  and  explanation.  If  Melancthon  Smith 
was  to  be  conquered  by  argument  it  shows  how  open 
were  men's  minds  to  conviction ;  how  greatly  argu 
ment  was  needed.  There  are  many  controversies  in 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  267 

which  discussion  is  quite  useless ;  the  opinions  of 
men  are  predetermined  by  passion  or  prejudice  and 
reasoning  is  addressed  to  the  deafest  of  all  ears,  those 
that  are  unwilling  to  listen.  Plenty  of  dogged  par 
tisans  there  were  upon  each  side  in  the  struggle  con 
cerning  the  Constitution.  But  such  was  not  the 
temper  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  people  who, 
remaining  open  to  receive  knowledge  and  to  be  gov 
erned  by  it,  held  the  balance  of  power  and  could 
bring  victory  to  either  side.  Victory  was  narrowly 
won,  and  the  "  Federalist "  avowedly  was  greatly  influ 
ential  with  the  wavering  class  ;  it  is  therefore  highly 
probable  that  the  assistance  thus  afforded,  being  pre 
cisely  of  the  kind  required,  may  have  been  effectual 
to  secure  a  result  which  would  otherwise  not  have 
been  secured.  It  cannot  be  proved  that  the  United 
States  would  never  have  existed  but  for  the  writings 
of  Hamilton,  Madison,  and  Jay,  the  famous  letters  of 
Publius  ;  but  more  preposterous  claims  have  been  put 
forth  by  historians  and  biographers  who  are  not 
accounted  more  than  ordinarily  partial. 

But  whatever  else  may  be  questioned,  it  is.  assur 
edly  beyond  a  question  that  had  it  not  been  for 
the  unremitting  exertions  made  by  Hamilton  in  the 
convention  of  New  York,  that  State  would  not  have 
ratified  the  Constitution  when  she  did.  What  would 
have  been  the  result  of  her  failure  to  do  so  can  only 
be  matter  of  speculation.  She  might  have  come  in 
harmoniously  after  a  little  delay,  like  Rhode  Island. 
She  might  on  the  other  hand  have  accomplished  the 
ruin  of  the  new  nation;  dividing  it  geographically, 
and  being  rich,  commercial,  prosperous,  she  might 
have  become  teterrima  causa  belli.  She  might  have 


268  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

sowed  dissensions  and  broken  up  the  Union.  She 
might  have  been  subdued  and  held  as  a  conquered 
province,  and  before  the  new  country  had  acquired 
the  power  of  assimilating  such  a  morsel  she  might 
have  proved  the  insidious  cause  of  political  disease 
and  destruction.  Such  surmises,  as  they  are  numer 
ous,  are  perhaps  also  idle,  being  incapable  of  proof. 
Sufficient  it  is  to  say  that  a  great  danger,  bristling 
with  many  possible  points  of  offence,  was  removed 
by  securing  the  adhesion7  of  New  York  before  the 
organization  of  the  new  government.  Peace,  pros 
perity,  and  harmony,7  and  the  trial  of  a  grand  and 
perilous  experiment/under  fair  auspices  was  thereby 
insured.  This  gain,  too  great  to  be  easily  overrated, 
was  due  principally  to  Hamilton.  Able  men  and 
the  pressure  &L  facts  aided  him ;  many  forces  and 
influences  wWe  combined  to  achieve  so  difficult  a 
result.  Blit  it  can  be  said  of  him,  as  of  no  other 
among/these  many  forces  and  influences  personal  and 
impersonal,  that  had  he  been  eliminated  the  result 
would  not  have  been  brought  about,  at  least  not  at 
that  time. 

The  Constitution  was  adopted.  But  the  end  of 
labor  and  anxiety  on  the  part  of  the  Federalists  was 
by  no  means  reached.  They  were  like  an  army  that 
had  worsted  its  adversaries  in  a  pitched  battle,  but 
which  saw  those  adversaries  still  in  its  front,  a  little 
withdrawn  indeed,  but  still  in  fighting  array  and  not 
exceedingly  demoralized.  It  is  true  that  the  princi 
pal  anti-federalists  professed  their  intention  of  act 
ing  in  good  faith  and  permitting  the  experiment  to  be 
fairly  tried,  without  the  interposition  of  factious  or 
unreasonable  impediments.  This  was  comfortable 


THE   CONSTITUTION,  269 

intelligence  for  the  victors,  and  so  far  as  it  went 
was  reassuring.  Unfortunately  there  was  behind  it 
much  else  that  was  far  from  comforting  or  encour 
aging.  After  a  strenuous  effort  has  been  crowned 
by  a  great  success,  there  is  always  a  brief  moment 
when  it  seems  as  though  a  reaction  or  lassitude  of 
the  over-wearied  workers  might  let  go  the  half- 
secured  triumph.  The  condition  of  things  after  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  presented  no-  excep 
tion  to  this  rule  of  almost  universal  operation.  The 
anti-federalists  acknowledging  defeat,  yet  asserted 
very^  positively  that  the  sense  of  the  majority  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  was  with  them ; 
and  it  must  be  confessed  that  there  was  too  much 
reason  to  believe  that  this  claim  was  founded  in  fact. 
Extreme  and  incessant  exertion  had  rallied  to  the 
polls  every  man  who  wished  to  see  the  Constitution 
adopted ;  while  many  who  had  little  faith  in  it  did  not 
care  actually  to  cast  hostile  votes.  Pennsylvania  had 
been  the  second  State  to  ratify,  by  forty-six  votes  to 
twenty-three,  and  had  proposed  no  amendments.  Yet 
it  was  computed,  in  round  numbers,  that  there  were 
seventy  thousand  legal  voters  in  the  State ;  that  only 
thirteen  thousand  had  voted  at  all,  and  that  six  thou 
sand  eight  hundred  votes  had  elected  the  ratifying 
majority  in  the  convention.  These  figures  seem 
hardly  credible,  in  view  of  the  great  interest  gener 
ally  felt  concerning  the  matter  in  issue ;  and  if  true 
they  may  at  least  be  regarded  as  exceptional.  But 
the  fact  must  be  admitted  that  the  warm  friends  of 
the  new  order  of  things  probably  did  not  much  out 
number  if  at  all  its  firm  enemies,  and  the  great  mass 
consisted  of  those  whose  convictions  were  not  sum*- 


270  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ciently  well  settled  to  render  them  valuable  as  allies 
or  dangerous  as  foes. 

This  was  not  a  pleasing  outlook.  It  certainly  was 
hard  to  be  obliged  to  bring  at  once  into  successful 
operation  a  new  and  complex  machine  of  government, 
the  component  parts  of  which  were  to  be  furnished 
by  a  body  of  constituents  concerning  whom  the 
most  sanguine  observer  could  only  predicate  that 
possibly  half  of  them  were  in  a  hopeful  or  even 
friendly  mood.  An  immediate  danger  lay  in  the 
pressure  which  was  brought  to  bear  by  New  York 
and  Virginia  for  the  calling  of  a  new  general  Con 
vention  to  do  over  again  the  work  which  it  was 
claimed  had  now  been  so  imperfectly  done.  The  con 
vention  of  New  York,  after  ratifying,  had  united  in 
a  circular  letter  recommending  the  summoning  of  such 
a  body.  The  legislature  of  Virginia  reechoed  this 
demand  in  loud  and  decided  tones.  North  Carolina 
and  Rhode  Island,  not  having  been  willing  to  ratify  at 
all,  of  course  put  forth  all  their  influence  in  the  same 
direction.  Fortunately  Pennsylvania  and  Massachu 
setts  could  not  be  brought  to  this  point,  and  they 
nearly  or  quite  balanced  New  York  and  Virginia; 
while  the  other  States  sufficed  to  turn  the  scale. 
Yet  even  where  a  new  Convention  was  not  called 
for,  the  cry,  for  many  and  important  amendments, 
was  raised  with  no  feeble  or  uncertain  sound.  Alto 
gether  the  jeopardy  was  not  small  that  the  whole 
subject  might  be  so  far  reopened  for  general  discus 
sion  as  to  endanger  the  undoing  of  much  that  had 
been  done,  the  substantial  remodelling  of  the  Con 
stitution  now  adopted,  the  fighting  the  old  fight  over 
again  under  auspices  by  no  means  improved. 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  271 

Scarcely  less  painfully  and  sedulously  did  the  Fed 
eralists  now  struggle  to  preserve  the  integrity  of  the 
Constitution  than  they  had  previously  struggled  to 
achieve  its  adoption.  Much  patience  and  skill  did 
they  need.  Hamilton  wrote  to  Sedgwick,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  that  in  his  opinion  the  rage  for  amendments 
was  rather  to  be  parried  by  address  than  to  be  en 
countered  with  open  force. 

The  contest  had  to  be  waged  at  the  elections  of  the 
members  of  the  first  Congress.  How  hard  and  dubi 
ous  was  the  encounter  may  be  judged  from  the  fact 
that  Madison,  being  a  candidate  for  the  position  of 
senator,  was  defeated  by  antagonists  of  no  great  note, 
chiefly  through  the  great  exertions  of  Patrick  Henry, 
who  was  a  resolute  anti-federalist,  and  now  opposed 
the  choice  of  his  distinguished  fellow-citizen  in  one 
of  those  vehement  harangues  which  at  an  earlier  stage 
in  the  history  of  the  country  and  more  wisely  directed 
had  done  such  effectual  service  to  the  cause  of  inde 
pendence.  Worsted  in  this  undertaking,  Madison 
sought  to  become  a  representative.  Very  fortunately 
he  succeeded,  but  it  was  also  very  narrowly,  by  dint 
of  a  strong  local  family  connection,  and  only  after  he 
had  pledged  himself  to  befriend  amendments. 

The  politics  of  New  York  at  this  juncture  were 
very  interesting.  Clinton  convened  the  legislature 
by  proclamation  at  a  very  late  date.  The  Senate 
was  Federal ;  the  Assembly  was  anti-federal.  They 
had  less  than  a  month  from  the  time  when  they 
were  called  together  in  which  to  choose  presiden 
tial  electors,  —  a  period  long  enough  for  them  to 
establish  a  complete  antagonism,  but  not  long  enough 
for  them  to  come  to  any  agreement.  The  Assembly 


272  LIFE   OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

insisted  upon  choosing  the  electors  by  joint  ballot 
of  both  bodies,  for  so  strong  were  the  anti-federalists 
in  the  lower  and  more  numerous  branch  that  this 
scheme  must  have  resulted  in  enabling  them  to  com 
mand  the  choice.  Very  naturally  the  Senate,  in 
which  the  opposite  party  prevailed,  threw  out  the 
bill  embodying  this  proposition.  The  upper  house 
insisted  upon  concurrent  action,  which  of  course 
would  have  given  to  each  a  negative  upon  the  other; 
obviously  this  would  have  produced  a  dead  lock. 
Negotiations  were  entered  into,  and  the  Senate  offered 
in  compromise  to  adopt  any  method  which  should 
secure  to  them  the  nomination  of  one  senator  and  one 
half  of  the  electors.  But  to  this  just  and  even  divi 
sion  the  Assembly  refused  to  agree.  The  consequence 
was  that  neither  senators  nor  electors  were  chosen, 
and  in  the  first  electoral  college  of  presidential  elect 
ors  no  delegates  from  New  York  were  present.  Nor 
when  the  first  Congress  came  together  were  there 
any  senators  from  that  State. 

Mr.  John  C.  Hamilton  adverting  to  this  "  defective 
organization  of  the  general  government,"  which  ren 
dered  the  existence  of  one  of  its  great  departments 
dependent  on  the  action  of  bodies  over  which  it  had 
no  control,  justly  enough  claims  that  his  father's 
plan  would  have  rendered  impossible  the  occurrence 
of  such  an  evil.  That  plan  had  proposed  that  the 
people  of  each  State  should  choose  an  electoral  col 
lege,  which  should  elect  the  senators  to  represent 
that  State. 

Shortly  afterwards  the  New  York  State  elections 
occurred.  Clinton's  resolute  and  uncompromising  op 
position  to  the  Constitution,  together  with  the  unto- 


THE   CONSTITUTION.  273 

ward  result  of  the  effort  to  choose  presidential  electors 
and  senators,  gave  to  the  contest  a  peculiar  im 
portance.  Hamilton  threw  himself  into  it  with 
vigor.  Yates  was  nominated  to  run  against  Clinton, 
because  though  an  anti-federalist  he  was  a  moderate 
man,  and  it  was  hoped  that  he  might  receive  enough 
votes  among  moderate  anti-federalists  throughout 
the  State  to  secure  his  victory.  Hamilton  sent  forth 
an  address  to  the  people,  in  which  he  placed  the  con 
troversy  fairly  upon  the  issue  of  whether  or  not  the 
national  government  should  be  supported ;  whether 
a  governor  should  be  chosen  who  would  be  in  sym 
pathy  with  the  Union,  or  one  who  would  be  in  per 
petual  hostility  to  it.  The  people  were  called  upon 
to  select  a  chief  magistrate  who  "  should  be  free  from 
all  temptation  wantonly  to  perplex  or  embarrass  the 
national  government, —  whether  that  temptation  should 
arise  from  a  preference  of  partial  confederacies  ;  from 
a  spirit  of  competition  with  the  national  rulers  for 
personal  preeminence ;  from  an  impatience  of  the 
restraints  of  national  authority ;  from  the  fear  of  a 
diminution  of  power  and  emoluments  ;  from  resent 
ment  or  mortification  proceeding  from  disappointment, 
or  any  other  cause."  Upon  the  other  hand  he  urged 
that  the  governor  u  should  be  a  man  of  moderation, 
sincerely  disposed  to  heal  not  to  widen  existing  di 
visions,  to  promote  conciliation  not  dissension,  to 
allay  not  to  excite  the  fermentation  of  party  spirit, 
and  to  restore  that  cordial  good-will  and  mutual  con 
fidence  which  ought  to  exist  among  a  people  bound 
to  each  other  by  all  the  ties  which  connect  members 
of  the  same  society." 

This  appeal  was  followed  up  by  the  most  active  ex- 
VOL.  i.  18 


271  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ertions  on  Hamilton's  part.  He  published  a  series  of 
letters  under  the  signature  of  H.  G.,  reviewing  and 
criticising  with  much  severity  the  past  career  of  the 
great  governor  of  New  York.  He  appears  in  his  zeal 
to  have  "  stumped  "  a  portion  of  the  State.  In  every 
way  that  offered  he  gave  his  mind  and  his  heart,  his 
days  and  his  exertions  to  the  great  task  of  organizing, 
uniting,  encouraging  the  anti-Clintonian  party. 

But  he  labored  in  vain,  so  far  as  his  immediate 
purpose-  was  concerned.  The  election  did  not  result 
in  the  triumph  of  Yates.  Yet  the  features  of  the  con 
flict  were  such  that  the  victor  had  the  despondency 
of  defeat  mingled  with  the  satisfaction  of  success. 
Clinton  had  long  been  autocratic  in  his  party,  and 
for  many  years  his  party  had  ruled  the  State ;  he  had 
appeared  a  sort  of  despot  by  election.  This  year  his 
great  power  was  broken,  his  prestige  destroyed ;  he 
won  the  governorship  indeed,  but  so  narrowly  that  he 
no  longer  appeared  invincible.  A  majority  of  only 
four  hundred  and  twenty-nine  out  of  twelve  thousand 
three  hundred  and  fifty-three  votes  was,  for  its  after 
effects,  equivalent  to  a  failure.  Henceforth  the  Fed 
eralists  ceased  to  dread  their  inveterate  foe. 

In  other  issues  in  the  same  political  campaign  the 
Federalists  frequently  succeeded  in  grasping  the  form 
as  well  as  the  substance  of  success.  Out  of  the  six 
representatives  which  ^New  York  was  entitled  to  send 
to  the  new  Congress,  four  were  elected  by  the  Fed 
eralists.  The  same  party  also  succeeded  in  changing 
the  complexion  of  the  Assembly,  so  that  they  obtained 
a  majority  in  both  the  upper  and  the  lower  houses  of 
the  State  legislature.  This  at  last  rendered  possible 
the  election  of  United  States  senators,  and  toward 


THE  CONSTITUTION.  275 

the  close  of  the  first  congressional  session  two  Fed 
eralists  were  duly  chosen,  —  General  Schuyler,  a  promi 
nent  leader  of  the  party  in  the  State,  and  Rufus 
King,  who  had  represented  Massachusetts  in  the 
Federal  Convention,  and  had  lately  changed  his  resi 
dence  and  become  a  citizen  of  New  York.  Thus 
step  by  step  were  the  Federalists  steadily  coining  to 
the'  fore. 


276  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT. 

THE  fourth  day  of  March,  1789,  should  have  wit 
nessed  the  assembling  at  New  York  of  the  first  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States  elected  under  the  new 
Constitution.  But  the  mischievous  habits  of  procras 
tination  which  had  obtained  under  the  old  regime 
had  not  yet  been  superseded  by  the  better  fashion  of 
punctuality.  At  the  appointed  time  no  more  than 
eight  senators  and  thirteen  members  of  the  lower 
house  appeared.  The  Federalists,  full  of  warm  inter 
est  and  anticipation,  experienced  no  small  degree  of 
chagrin  from  this  display  of  indifference.  The  few 
gentlemen  who  had  gathered  in  due  time  hastened 
to  despatch  pressing  circular  letters  to  summon  the 
absentees.  But  these  came  in  leisurely,  as  indeed 
they  had  some  substantial  excuse  for  doing,  since 
many  of  them  were  obliged  to  traverse  the  long  routes 
between  their  homes  in  the  far  east  or  south  and  New 
York  either  on  horseback  or  by  sea.  At  length  on 
the  thirtieth  day  of  the  month  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  could  gather  a  quorum,  and  on  the  sixth 
day  of  April  the  Senate  reached  the  same  point  of 
success.  The  votes  for  president  and  vice-president 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT.      277 

were  then  forthwith  opened  and  counted.  General 
George  Washington  was  found  to  have  received  sixty- 
nine  votes,  the  whole  number  cast,  and  was  elected 
president.  John  Adams  was  found  to  have  received 
thirty -four  votes,  the  next  highest  number;  and 
though  this  was  less  than  a  majority,  yet  as  the 
Constitution  then  read  the  plurality  was  sufficient 
to  make  him  vice-president.  Messengers  were  sent 
to  the  homes  of  these  gentlemen  to  announce  to 
them  the  result  of  the  formal  count, 

Washington  set  out  from  Mount  Vernon  for  New 
York,  with  the  design  of  travelling  thither  as  quietly 
and  privately  as  possible.  But  the  people  of  the 
larger  places  through  which  he  passed  took  the  mat 
ter  into  their  own  hands,  and  persisted  in  making  his 
progress  a  series  of  ovations.  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
other  hand  had  spent  nine  years  abroad  in  diplomatic 
service,  and  had  thus  doubtless  imbibed,  though  read 
ily  enough  and  without  violence  to  his  nature,  a  differ 
ent  idea  of  the  dignity  and  paraphernalia  of  office. 
Grandly  he  advanced  upon  the  temporary  capital, 
escorted  throughout  the  whole  distance  by  a  troop  of 
horse.  Yet  with  all  his  love  of  imposing  formality  in 
connection  with  office,  he  was  not  unrepublican  in 
spirit;  and  when  he  took  the  chair  in  the  Senate 
chamber  and  addressed  a  few  brief  words  to  the  sen 
ators,  his  language  was  quite  simple  and  modest.  He 
described  the  position  which  he  had  been  called  upon 
to  fill  as  a  " respectable  situation"  Surely  the  distin 
guishing  characteristic  of  the  vice-presidency  was 
never  more  happily  or  more  aptly  declared;  and 
the  descriptive  phraseology  of  the  new  functionary 
showed  a  more  just  sense  of  the  fitness  of  things 


278  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

than  had  been  manifested  by  the  parade  of  his  cav 
alry  squadron. 

.  Among  the  earliest  intentions  which  Washington 
is  known  to  have  formed  concerning  the  exercise  of 
the  powers  devolving  upon  him  as  president  was  that 
of  placing  Hamilton  at  the  head  of  the  financial 
department  of  the  government.  Robert  Morris,  the 
famous  Confederate  superintendent  of  finance,  had 
already  named  to  him  Hamilton  as  " the  one  man  in 
the  United  States  "  competent  to  cope  with  the  ex 
treme  difficulties  of  that  office.  Hamilton  himself 
had  not  been  without  aspirations  directed  toward  this 
laborious  and  responsible  position,  as  two  or  three 
of  his  friends  were  aware.  They  however  remon 
strated  with  him  and  discouraged  the  idea,  —  not 
from  any  considerations  concerning  his  fitness  or 
ability,  but  from  a  kindly  regard  to  his  own  personal 
interest  and  comfort.  In  spite  of  his  indulgence  in 
the  distractions  of  politics  he  had  continued  his  prac 
tice  at  the  bar  with  much  vigor  and  industry ;  and  so 
successful  had  he  been  that  certainly  no  one  among 
his  professional  brethren  excelled,  if  indeed  any 
equalled  him,  in  reputation.  The  leadership  of  the 
bar,  a  brilliant  forensic  career,  and  a  large  fortune 
were  already,  at  the  age  of  thirty-two,  not  of  course 
achieved,  but  beyond  any  reasonable  doubt  assured  to 
him  if  he  chose  to  pursue  his  calling.  Troup  reminded 
him  of  this,  and  urged  him  to  consider  that  in  devot 
ing  himself  to  public  life  he  was  sacrificing  the  cer 
tainty  of  abundant  wealth.  Ere  this  time  indeed  the 
harvest  had  been  generous,  its  natural  growth  having 
been  aided  by  some  artificial  stimulants ;  for  in  New 
York  laws  had  been  passed  about  the  time  of  the 


ORGANIZATION   OF   THE  NEW   GOVERNMENT.      279 

declaration  of  peace  and  in  anticipation  of  it,  dis 
qualifying  from  practice  all  counsellors  and  attorneys 
who  could  not  furnish  satisfactory  certificates  of  their 
sound  whig  principles  during  the  war.  Such  vindic 
tive  legislation  was  doubtless  illiberal  and  unwise. 
Its  result,  however,  had  been  to  bring  to  the  young 
lawyers  who  had  embraced  the  patriot  side  an  influx 
of  business  for  which  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events 
they  might  have  been  obliged  to  wait  long.  How 
ever  distasteful  such  statutes  were  to  Hamilton,  yet 
he  among  the  rest  had  had  all  and  perhaps  more  than  . 
all  his  share  of  the  benefits  conferred  by  them,  and 
he  had  long  been  familiar  with  the  pleasure  of  a  full 
docket  and  numerous  fees.  While  Troup  spoke  of 
this  practical  aspect  of  the  question,  Gouverneur 
Morris  also  wrote  to  his  friend,  bidding  him  reflect 
upon  the  misrepresentation  and  invidious  calumny  to 
which  the  incumbent  of  this  office  must  peculiarly 
and  inevitably  be  subject.  To  a  sensitive  man  it  was 
sufficiently  plain  that  the  treasury  would  prove  a  bed 
of  incessant  torture. 

But  these  arguments  were  altogether  vain.  That 
irresistible  magnetism  which  often,  in  the  world's 
history,  is  seen  to  draw  the  man  of  preeminent 
ability  to  his  appropriate  sphere  of  usefulness  in 
spite  of  numerous  and  powerful  counter-influences 
was  working  strongly  in  this  instance.  The  solution 
of  financial  problems  was  a  toil  congenial  to  Hamil 
ton's  mind.  He  had  voluntarily  undertaken  such 
tasks  in  early  youth,  and  the  study  of  finance  had 
ever  since  been  agreeable  and  familiar  to  him.  The 
knowledge  of  vast  difficulties  to  be  encountered,  and 
the  deep  instinctive  self-knowledge  of  power  to  meet 


280  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

and  conquer  them,  —  a  feeling  removed  from  vain 
self-confidence  by  all  the  distance  which  sunders  the 
true  from  the  false,  —  stimulated  him  to  enter  upon 
the  arduous  but  glorious  undertaking.  Patriotism  too 
appealed  to  him.  He  had  done  so  much  to  create  the 
United  States,  that  he  was  in  duty  pledged  no  less 
than  by  desire  bound  to  do  all  that  in  him  lay  to 
strengthen  and  perpetuate  the  existence  of  the  infant 
nation.  "  I  am  convinced,"  he  said,  "  it  is  the  situa 
tion  in  which  I  can  do  most  good."  These  things 
being  so,  it  was  to  no  purpose  that  the  law  opened 
to  him  a  smooth  and  straight  highway  pleasant  to 
travel,  leading  to  prosperity  and  fame,  and  not  re 
mote  from  political  life  should  such  employment  and 
distinction  at  any  time  attract  him.  His  resolve  was 
taken  apparently  without  hesitation  or  difficulty. 

The  act  establishing  the  Treasury  Department  was 
passed  on  September  2,  and  on  the  eleventh  day  of 
the  same  month  Hamilton  received  his  commission  as 
secretary.  The  salary  was  $3,500  per  annum. 

The  subordinate  offices  were  filled  as  follows :  — 

Comptroller,  Mr.  Eveleigh,  of  South  Carolina,  with 

a  salary  of $2000 

Auditor,  Oliver  Wolcott,  Jr.,  of  Connecticut,  with  a 

salary  of 1500 

Register,  Mr.  Nourse,  of  Pennsylvania,  with  a  salary 

of 1250 

Treasurer,  Mr.  Meredith,  of  Pennsylvania,  with  a 

salary  of 2000 

These  stipends  do  not  seem  very  extravagant  to 
us,  but  there  was  no  small  cry  raised,  —  more  par 
ticularly  in  the  eastern  States,  where  especially 
simplicity  and  economy  prevailed,  —  against  the 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW   GOVERNMENT.      281 

unreasonably  large  .compensation    allowed    to    the 
officials  under  the  new  system. 

The  functions  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  broadly 
set  forth  were  as  follows:  To  devise  and  furnish 
plans  for  raising  and  managing  the  revenue,  includ 
ing  herein  the' whole  extensive  and  difficult  subject 
of  ways  and  means  ;  to  suggest  such  projects  as  might 
seem  sufficient  for  restoring  and  maintaining  the  pub 
lic  credit,  now  in  the  last  desperate  stage  preceding 
final  extinction ;  to  draw  up  for  the  use  of  Congress 
estimates  of  the  probable  income  and  probable  ex 
penditure  ;  to  superintend  the  collection  of  the 
revenue,  including  herein  the  devising  in  the  first 
instance  and  subsequently  the  supervising  the  whole 
customs-machinery  of  the  country;  to  establish  a 
thorough  system  of  checks  and  control  between  all 
the  subordinates  and  clerks  of  the  department ;  and 
to  arrange  all  fiscal  formalities,  such  as  the  keeping 
of  the  books  and  stating  of  accounts,  the  custody, 
transfer,  and  disbursement  of  the  public  moneys,  and 
the  whole  general  routine  of  business.  In  view  of 
the  amount  of  construction  which  was  necessary  in 
fitting  for  active  service  a  newly  created  department 
of  a  nature  so  important  and  complex,  and  in  such 
an  almost  total  absence  of  precedents  or  of  trust 
worthy  data,  it  would  seem  that  the  labors  of  the 
secretary,  under  the  narrowest  construction  of  his 
duties,  would  have  been  immense.  But  no  narrow 
construction  was  given.  On  the  contrary,  as  will  be 
seen,  the  comfortable  presumption  which  Congress 
saw  fit  to  adopt  was,  that  every  thing  which  could 
not  be  proved  undeniably  to  belong  elsewhere  must 
therefore  be  taken  to  belong  to  the  treasury  depart- 


282  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ment.  Nearly  every  subject  in •  the  affairs  of  a  gov 
ernment  is  connected  in  some  degree  with  the  receipt 
or  disbursement  of  money,  and  the  existence  of  such 
a  connection,  whether  near  or  remote,  was  regarded 
as  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  appropriateness  of  a  refer 
ence  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  So  the  most 
multifarious  and  incongruous  papers  found  their  way 
in  long  procession,  by  a  sort  of  law  of  political  gravi 
tation,  into  the  pigeon-holes  of  this  overburdened 
official.  Not  only  was  the  amount  of  labor  thus 
rapidly  imposed  upon  Hamilton  enormous,  but  the 
greater  part  of  it  was  of  such  a  nature  that  each  task 
seemed  to  require  immediate  completion  rather  than 
to  be  able  to  yield  precedence  to  any  other. 

Those  who  have  subsequently  filled  this  secretary 
ship  have  been  obliged  to  keep  an  admirably  con 
structed  machine  in  running  order,  nor  have  they 
generally  found  the  duty  an  insignificant  one.  Ham 
ilton  had  to  achieve  the  'original  construction.  Be 
fore  he  could  enter  upon  the  customary  duties  of  the 
office,  the  office  itself  had  to  be  organized  actually 
from  the  very  basis.  The  whole  system  upon  which 
the  business  of  the  treasury  should  be  conducted, 
down  to  the  smallest  details,  had  to  be  arranged  be 
fore  the  business  could  be  entered  upon.  It  is  need 
less  to  dilate  upon  the  labor  involved  in  this  merely 
preliminary  undertaking.  Great  as  it  was,  however, 
it  was  accomplished  not  only  with  singular  despatch, 
but  so  well  that  it  has  never  since  been  materially 
altered;  Indeed,  so  perfect  was  the  theory  in  all  its 
parts,  —  book-keeping,  safe-guards,  and  the  order  of 
business,  —  that  it  has  readily  expanded  with  the  im 
mense  expansion  of  business,  and  with  few  changes 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW   GOVERNMENT.      283 

and  perhaps  fewer  improvements  has  continued  to  be 
found  sufficient  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  a  century, 
and  throughout  a  period  of  national  growth  unparal 
leled  within  historical  times. 

Tasks  more  interesting  to  the  readers  of  history 
followed  close  upon,  or  were  conducted  collaterally 
with,  these  mere  duties  of  establishment.  In  the  first 
place,  estimates  and  plans  for  raising  money  had  to 
be  furnished  immediately.  The  former  were  rendered 
exceedingly  difficult  by  the  absence  of  any  accurate 
precedents  on  which  to  found  the  anticipations  of 
income,  while  the  annual  cost  of  the  new  govern 
ment  was  altogether  unknown.  As  for  the  other 
task, — the  obtaining  a  little  ready  money, — it  is  well 
known  that  the  difficulty  of  borrowing  may  generally 
be  very  accurately  measured  by  the  necessity  of  the 
borrower ;  and  the  need  of  the  United  States  at  this 
juncture  was  probably  equal  to  the  greatest  which 
ever  embarrassed  any  nation  since  national  borrow 
ing  has  become  a  custom.  I  find  it  stated  that  the 
vice-president,'  the  attorney-general,  and  many  mem 
bers  of  Congress  "were  indebted  to  the  private  credit 
of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  to  discharge  their 
personal  expenses ; "  other  members  of  Congress 
were  paid  in  due-bills,  which  were  considerately 
rendered  salable  by  the  issue  of  orders  to  collectors 
of  revenue  to  receive  them  in  payment  of  duties. 
Even  President  Washington  is  related  in  the  out 
set  of  his  presidency  to  have  met  his  household 
expenses  by  negotiating  his  note  made  to  his  private 
secretary,  and  discounted  at  the  rate  of  two  per  cent 
a  month.  Under  such  circumstances,  some  loans  to 
supply  immediate  outlay  had  to  be  accomplished  at 


284  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

once  by  the  new  secretary,  no  matter  how  difficult 
the  task. 

A  great  number  and  variety  of  matters  were  re 
ferred  to  him  by  Congress,  on  which  he  was  requested 
to  report;  and  statistical  returns  upon  all  sorts  of 
subjects  were  called  for  by  the  same  body,  which  evi 
dently  and  not  altogether  incorrectly  regarded  the 
power  of  labor  of  the  secretary  as  capable  of  indefi 
nite  expansion.  He  set  about  the  business  of  framing 
a  permanent  plan  for  the  collection  of  the  revenue, 
and  drew  a  bill  designed  to  cover  this  ground,  which 
he  appended  to  a  report  to  Congress.  The  limitation 
of  the  kinds  of  currency  in  which  payments  to  gov 
ernment  could  be  made  was  causing  great  inconven 
ience  ;  and  to  this  topic  he  gave  much  thought,  and 
soon  sent  in  to  Congress  his  advice  for  certain  changes 
and  his  reasons  therefor.  Arrangements  for  the  trans 
mission  of  collections  from  the  various  revenue  offices 
were  made  by  him  with  much  difficulty  in  those  times 
when  the  business  of  the  country  had  developed  no 
system  of  exchanges.  The  sale  of  the  public  lands, 
a  subject  of  great  and  pressing  importance,  fell 
within  his  department  and  required  regulations  to 
be  established  by  him ;  he  was  requested  to  report  an 
"  uniform  system  "  for  the  disposition  of  them.  Navi 
gation  laws,  or  at  least  the  information  on  which  they 
could  be  based,  including  the  regulation  of  the  coasting 
trade,  were  also  expected  to  issue  from  the  treasury 
department ;  and  all  sorts  of  statistics  as  to  tonnage 
foreign  and  domestic,  the  building  of  vessels,  &c., 
were  forwarded  to  the  secretary  to  be  studied  and 
mastered  by  him,  to  the  end  that  conclusions  and 
systems  should  be  evolved  from  the  perplexing  mass. 


ORGANIZATION  OF  THE  NEW  GOVERNMENT.     285 

He  further  sent  in  a  report  concerning  the  post-office 
department,  and  accompanied  it  with  a  bill  drafted  to 
carry  out  its  recommendations.  Objection  was,  how 
ever,  made  by  a  member  to  the  reading  of  the  bill,  on 
the  ground  that  the  executive  officers  of  the  govern 
ment  should  not  be  permitted  to  introduce  bills.  The 
objection  was  sustained.  The  feasibility  of  purchas 
ing  West  Point  was  another  subject  upon  which  Con 
gress  thought  fit  to  have  the  opinion  of  this  gentle 
man,  who  might  have  been  excused  had  he  mistaken 
himself  for  the  concentrated  government  of  the 
country.  He  advised  its  outright  purchase  in  prefer 
ence  to  an  absurd  and  unjust  scheme  for  its  occupa 
tion  during  pleasure  and  the  payment  of  a  sort  of 
rental  to  the  owners.  Another  report  of  his  was  the 
basis  of  a  bill  making  certain  provisions  for  the  remis 
sion  of  fines,  forfeitures,  and  penalties.  A  judiciary 
system  also  emanated  from  his  fertile  brain,  though 
rather  as  a  voluntary  undertaking  suggested  by  his 
professional  experience  and  interests,  than  because  it 
was  directly  required  from  him.  He  recommended  a 
proper  establishment  of  revenue  cutters  on  the  coast, 
and  with  his  wonted  thoroughness  in  disposing  of  a 
subject  which  attracted  his  attention  he  went  into 
all  the  details  of  number,  size,  armament,  equipment, 
and  cost.  The  number  and  condition  of  the  light 
houses  along  the  shores  was  another  matter  concern 
ing  which  he  furnished  a  report  at  an  early  day.  All 
petitions  for  claims  and  for  relief  were  then  custom 
arily  referred  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and 
constituted  a  quantity  of  small  material  with  which 
to  fill  the  interstices  of  leisure  which  might  occur  be 
tween  his  larger  tasks. 


286  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

The  duty  of  negotiating  certain  foreign  loans  was 
imposed  by  Congress  upon  the  president.  By  the 
original  phraseology  of  the  bill,  the  function  had  been 
allotted  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  but  certain 
of  his  ill-wishers,  dreading  the  increasing  prominence 
which  he  seemed  to  be  acquiring,  procured  the  change 
to  be  made.  The  consequence  was,  that  Hamilton, 
in  addition  to  the  business  of  actually  negotiating  the 
loan,  was  obliged  to  assume  the  preliminary  labor  of 
drafting  instructions  and  a  delegation  of  power  from 
the  president  to  himself. 

A  system  of  regulations  for  the  payment  of  pen 
sions  was  prepared  by  him  after  the  adjournment  of 
Congress  in  the  summer  of  1790.  About  the  same 
time,  too,  a  legal  opinion  upon  the  construction  of  a 
disputed  provision  of  the  recent  Impost  Act  was 
drawn  up  by  him.  A  report  upon  the  trade  with 
India  and  China  at  this  time  growing  into  importance 
was  prepared  by  him.  But  if  the  multiplicity  of 
his  labors  did  not  exhaust  him,  there  is  danger  that 
the  enumeration  may  fatigue  the  less  patient  reader, 
and  these  pages  may  too  nearly  resemble  the  Homeric 
catalogue  of  ships.  It  will  therefore  be  well  to  leave 
the  schedule  at  a  point  which  does  not  wholly  ex 
haust  the  items,  and  to  pass  to  the  consideration  of 
those  subjects  of  preeminent  importance  which  de 
manded  the  secretary's  attention,  and  which  must  be 
treated  upon  the  larger  scale  commensurate  with  their 
political  consequence. 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  287 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

FIRST   REPORT  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT. 

FIRST  in  interest  among  the  great  schemes  devised 
by  Hamilton  stand  the  measures  recommended  in  his 
first  famous  report  on  the  public  credit.  Certain 
resolutions  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  passed 
Sept.  21,  1789,  called  upon  Hamilton  to  report  such 
measures  as  he  should  deem  expedient  for  providing 
for  the  national  debt,  and  sustaining  the  public  credit. 
During  the  recess  of  Congress  he  devoted  his  attention 
to  the  subject,  and  on  Jan.  14,  1790,  he  laid  his  views 
before  the  house.  This  being  the  first  report  made 
by  the  head  of  a  department,  a  question  of  form,  yet 
of  substantial  importance  also,  arose.  Should  the 
secretary  report  orally  or  in  writing  ?  Many  insisted 
that  the  complex  nature  of  the  topics  to  be  treated 
rendered  verbal  explanation  altogether  indispensable, 
and  it  was  understood  that  Hamilton  himself  would 
not  have  been  ill-pleased  could  the  opportunity  have 
been  allowed  him  of  expounding  and  defending  his 
theories,  urging  his  advice  by  his  own  eloquence,  fur 
nishing  elucidation,  and  answering  objections  as  the 
occasion  should  appear  to  demand.  But  other  opin 
ions  prevailed,  and  a  written  report  communicated  by 
the  secretary  established  a  precedent,  which  it  has 


288  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

never  been  thought  desirable  to  supersede.  Had  the 
decision  been  otherwise,  it  would  have  practically 
amounted  to  conferring  upon  the  cabinet  officers  the 
privilege  of  taking  part  upon  many  and  important  oc 
casions  in  the  debates  of  Congress,  sometimes  in  one 
branch,  sometimes  in  the  other,  as  the  individual  case 
might  be.  A  right  so  vague  would  have  been  capa 
ble  of  indefinite  extension  ;  and  it  is  evident  that  had 
Hamilton  been  allowed  to  appear  in  person  before  the 
House  on  this  occasion,  a  powerful  influence,  not  now 
included  in  the  American  system,  would  have  been 
introduced  into  our  politics  and  government. 

The  questions  which  Hamilton  had  been  called 
upon  to  consider  were  made  extremely  difficult  by 
reason  of  the  embarrassed  condition  of  the  national 
finances,  —  the  country,  indeed,  having  long  neglected 
to  meet  so  much  as  the  interest  on  its  engagements, 
and  therefore  wearing  the  external  aspect  of  bank 
ruptcy.  A  report  upon  the  "  public  credit  "  seemed 
ironical ;  there  was  no  such  thing  as  public  credit 
left.  But  it  was  not  alone  the  conundrum  of  ways 
and  means,  —  always  disagreeable  and  vexatious,  and 
only  rather  worse  on  this  than  on  many  other  occa 
sions, —  that  perplexed  the  secretary.  There  was 
much  difference  of  opinion  concerning  the  treatment 
to  be  applied  to  various  branches  of  the  debt  itself ; 
and  herein  lay  the  real  gravity  of  the  matter,  which 
made  his  report  and  the  action  of  Congress  upon  it 
nothing  less  than  a  serious  national  crisis.  The 
determination  of  these  problems  was  at  the  time 
plainly  seen  to  be  fraught  with  %  the  gravest  conse 
quences  to  the  future  career,  if  not  even  to  the  pro 
longed  existence,  of  the  nation ;  nor  does  the  historian, 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  289 

reviewing  the  period  after  the  lapse  of  nearly  three 
generations,  see  any  exaggeration  in  the  importance 
which  was  at  that  time  ascribed  to  this  business. 

Hamilton  opened  by  reminding  Congress  that  the 
necessity  of  borrowing,  occasionally  encountered  by 
all  countries,  must  especially  be  anticipated  for  a 
country  having  little  accumulated  money-capital. 
To  the  possibility  of  borrowing  upon  good  terms,  a 
national  credit  of  good  repute  was  fundamentally 
essential.  This  could  be  achieved  only  by  a  punctual 
performance  of  contracts.  Good  morals  and  good 
policy  were  coincident  in  this  business ;  and  the 
reflection  that  the  national  debt  was  the  price  of  the 
national  liberty  made  the  obligation  to  repay  it,  if 
repayment  could  possibly  be  accomplished,  in  a  pecu 
liar  degree  a  point  of  honor  and  sentiment.  The  late 
government  of  the  Confederation  had  entertained 
the  ambition  rather  than  possessed  the  power  to  do 
justice  by  the  creditors  of  the  people  ;  but  a  govern 
ment  was  now  framed  competent  to  call  forth  fully 
and  continuously  all  the  resources  of  the  community. 
Great  expectations  had  been  already  formed  by  those 
who  understood  its  power  and  placed  confidence  in 
its  integrity.  The  rapid  advance  in  the  market  value 
of  the  public  securities  had  plainly  indicated  the  force 
of  these  hopeful  sentiments.  Between  January  and 
November,  1789,  the  rise  had  been  to  thirty-three  and 
one-third  per  cent  of  the  nominal  value,  and  by  the 
beginning  of  1790  this  had  been  increased  to  fully 
fifty  per  cent.  It  was  noteworthy,  too,  that  "the 
most  enlightened  friends  of  good  government  were 
those  whose  anticipations  were  the  highest." 

To  preserve  and  cherish  this  growth  of  the  public 

VOL.    I.  19 


290  LIFE   OF   ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

confidence  must  be  of  the  greatest  immediate  and 
practical  advantage  to  the  nation  ;  for,  if  the  public 
securities  could  once  acquire  a  stable  value  in  open 
market  at  or  near  par,  they  would  be  as  available  for 
the  merchant  as  money,  and  would  largely  increase 
the  active  capital  of  the  country.  Hamilton  asserted, 
as  a  well  known  fact,  that ,  in  countries  having  a  na 
tional  debt  properly  funded  and  commanding  the 
general  confidence,  the  evidences  of  indebtedness 
served  most  of  the  purposes  of  money  ;  that  transfers 
thereof  were  equivalent  in  most  transactions  to  pay 
ment  in  specie.  Nor  did  it  seem  necessary  to  suggest 
such  obvious  facts  as  that,  even  if  not  actually  cur 
rent  as  money,  the  certificates  of  debt  were  always 
readily  transmutable  into  money,  or  became  the  am 
ple  foundation  for  credit.  Banking  facilities  were 
small  in  those  days,  and  men  resorted  to  expedients 
for  making  payments  which  have  since  been  super 
seded  by  the  expansion  of  the  banking  system.  It 
must  be  anticipated  that  a  like  state  of  things  to 
that  described  as  existing  elsewhere  would  come 
about  in  the  United  States  under  like  circumstances. 
The  results  would  be  the  extension  of  trade  among 
merchants  who  could  afford  to  take  smaller  profits 
from  the  employment  of  a  capital  which,  even  when 
idle,  was  bringing  interest  from  government ;  the 
promotion  of  agriculture  and  manufactures  as  the 
natural  outgrowth  from  more  abundant  capital  and  a 
brisker  condition  of  foreign  trade  ;  a  lower  rate  of 
interest  by  reason  of  the  quicker  circulation  of 
money.  Such  were  the  unquestionable  consequences 
shown  by  the  experience  of  other  countries  to  follow 
upon  a  national  debt,  assuming  a  just  market  value, 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  291 

and  securing  public  confidence.  But  a  contrary  and 
correspondingly  mischievous  condition  of  affairs  must 
be  expected  to  come  from  the  existence  amid  the 
community  of  the  certificates  of  a  debt  imperfectly 
trusted.  Its  fluctuations  make  it  tempting  chiefly  to 
speculators,  and  so  far  from  taking  the  place  of  capi 
tal  it  acts  only  as  an  injurious  absorbent  of  the 
money  already  in  the  country.  On  every  side  might 
be  seen  the  illustration  and  proof  of  this  statement. 

The  funding  of  the  national  debt  would  also  in 
the  natural  course  of  events  have  a  very  wholesome 
effect  upon  the  value  of  land.  The  present  condition 
of  landed  property  was  lamentable  in  the  extreme. 
The  value  of  cultivated  lands  in  most  of  the  States 
had  depreciated  from  twenty-five  even  to  fifty  per 
cent  since  the  Revolution ;  and  far  to  the  south  the 
fall  had  been  still  worse.  Owners  were  very  de 
spondent.  The  losses  of  many  had  been  ruinous, 
and  multitudes  of  settlers  scarcely  ventured  to  hope 
to  cling  to  their  acres  and  keep  the  roof  overhead  for 
another  year. 

Such  were  the  principal  inducements  to  the  fund 
ing  of  the  debt ;  and  in  order  not  to  be  misled  in 
contemplating  them  it  may  be  worth  while  to  pause 
for  a  moment,  and  to  suggest  certain  points  of  differ 
ence  between  the  debt  of  the  United  States  in  1790 
and  the  great  war  debt  contracted  during  the  late 
rebellion.  At  both  periods  the  country  seemed  stag 
gering  under  a  weight  of  financial  obligation  so 
heavy  as  to  have  reached  the  extreme  limit  of  endur 
ance.  But  with  this  one  feature  of  likeness  the 
similarity  between  the  two  financial  crises  ceases. 
Otherwise  we  might  justly  undervalue  Hamilton's 


292  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

speculations ;  for  we  have  not  seen  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States  circulate  as  the  equivalent  of  money, 
nor  have  we  seen  them  accomplish  any  of  the  results 
predicted  by  Hamilton.  Those  results  in  the  en- 
livenment  of  trade,  the  advance  of  values  of  real 
estate,  and  otherwise,  so  far  as  they  have  been 
brought  about  since  1861,  have  been  attributable, 
or  at  least  have  been  attributed,  to  the  irredeemable 
paper  currency,  and  not  at  all  to  the  bonds.  The 
bonds  have  been  regarded  as  the  absorbent  of  capital, 
the  convenient  refuge  for  the  great  profits  of  trade 
and  speculation,  rather  than  as  a  substitute  for 
money.  The  vital  difference  between  the  two  occa 
sions  lies  in  this :  In  1790  the  object  in  view  was  to 
fund  an  existing  debt ;  in  1861—65  the  object  was 
to  borrow  money  and  so  create  a  new  debt.  In  the 
latter  instance  the  government  took  a  hundred  dol 
lars  —  or  nearly  that  sum  —  in  quick  capital  of  the 
country,  or  in  products  representing  capital,  in  re 
turn  for  every  hundred-dollar  bond  which  it  issued. 
Plainly  enough  there  was  no  increase  of  money; 
there  was  only  a  new  form  of  investment  launched 
upon  the  exchanges.  But  in  1790  the  debt  already 
existed  ;  the  government  did  not  expect  to  borrow,  — 
or  at  least  only  on  a  small  scale,  and  merely  for  the 
purpose  of  replacing  one  loan  and  debt  by  another 
loan  and  debt  on  better  terms.  The  main  proposition 
was  to  fund  an  existing  debt ;  to  liquidate  the  sums 
due,  principal  and  interest ;  and  after  this  accurate 
determination  of  the  precise  amount  of  the  indebted 
ness,  to  issue  for  the  same,  and  in  representation 
thereof,  a  new  set  of  securities  in  exchange  for  the 
old  ;  and  to  make  such  provisions  in  the  way  of  taxa- 


FIRST   REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  293 

tion  and  a  pledge  of  funds  to  meet  this  liquidated  and 
reformed  indebtedness  according  to  its  terms,  as  should 
assure  the  world  of  the  resolution  and  ability  of  the 
debtor  nation  to  meet  its  obligations.  The  old  secu 
rities  were  worthless  as  money,  too  nearly  worthless 
even  for  sale,  or  as  collateral  security  for  loans,  by 
reason  of  their  fluctuating  values  depending  upon  the 
speculation  which  almost  alone  buoyed  them  up.  But 
the  new  securities  would  be  issued  without  the  with 
drawal  of  any  money  or  active  capital  from  the  people ; 
they  would  not  be  subscribed  for  by  investors,  who 
failing  to  get  them  would  put  their  money  into  other 
channels  of  activity  and  usefulness ;  they  would,  as 
it  was  reasonably  anticipated,  assume  forthwith  a 
stable  market  value.  Men  to  whom  they  were  given 
in  exchange  for  the  old  securities  would  obtain  avail 
able  assets  in  the  place  of  assets  almost  unavailable  ; 
would  receive  promises  to  pay  which  would  be  worth 
their  face  value,  and  would  be  capable  at  any  time  and 
place  of  bringing  that  value,  instead  of  commanding 
with  difficulty  a  small  and  uncertain  proportion  of 
that  nominal  sum.  Men  could  and  unquestionably 
would  at  first  pay  their  debts  with  them ;  men 
would  find  them  practically  subserve  the  purpose  of 
money  until  money  should  itself  become  more  plenti 
ful  ;  and  then  merchants  could  borrow  upon  the 
pledge  of  them. 

Thus  it  seems  that  Hamilton's  anticipations  are 
easily  to  be  justified,  and  it  is  necessary  only  to  recall 
the  circumstances  and  conditions  of  the  case  to  meet 
which  his  scheme  was  devised,  in  order  to  make  it 
obvious  that  certain  criticisms  and  questionings  sug 
gested  by  the  recent  experience  of  the  country  are 


294  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

quite  inapplicable.  The  year  1862  was  so  far  from 
repeating  the  financial  conditipns  of  the  year  1790, 
that  no  surer  mode  of  blundering  in  the  study  of  the 
earlier  period  could  be  devised  than  to  apply  to  it 
the  principles  of  the  more  modern  era,  and  the 
lessons  of  the  later  experiment. 

But  the  gravest  difficulties  arose  out  of  the  differ 
ences  of  opinion  which  existed  concerning  the  basis 
which  should  be  adopted  for  the  liquidation  of  the 
debt.  The  foreign  indebtedness  by  general  consent 
was  to  be  paid  in  full.  But  if  as  to  this  item  there 
was  agreement,  as  to  all  others  there  was  wide  and 
angry  dissension.  The  sentiments  of  honor  and  of 
expediency,  which  happily  secured  the  foreign  cred 
itor  from  total  or  partial  repudiation,  seemed  to 
operate  with  greatly  diminished  force  in  favor  of  the 
domestic  creditor.  A  vague  feeling  appeared  to  pre 
vail  that  the  citizens  of  the  State  were  the  assets  of 
the  State,  and  might  be  lawfully  sacrificed,  at  least  in 
their  property,  to  the  welfare  of  the  commonwealth. 
There  was  a  coloring  of  truth  in  the  proposition ;  but 
there  were  lawful  and  unlawful  modes  of  effecting 
the  immolation,  and  it  certainly  was  not  a  lawful  or 
a  justifiable  mode  to  single  out  individuals  to  be 
plundered  by  the  breach  of  national  promises  which 
they  held,  and  which  created  both  legal  and  honor 
able  obligations  to  them.  But  upon  however  narrow 
a  ground  of  logic  or  morality,  or  even  of  sound  policy, 
the  party  in  favor  of  domestic  dishonesty  was  obliged 
to  take  position,  it  did  succeed  in  entrenching  itself 
upon  that  field  in  large  numbers  and  with  a  consider 
able  show  of  spirit  for  the  fight. 

Quite  wide-spread  among  the   community  was  a 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  295 

feeling  of  hostility  to  those  who  were  charged  justly 
or  unjustly  with  having  speculated  in  the  national 
securities.  These  persons  Were  accused  of  having 
taken  advantage  in  their  purchases  of  the  necessities 
of  those  who  by  military  or  other  service,  or  by  loans, 
or  for  value  received  in  other  shape,  had  become  the 
honest  and  deserving  creditors  of  the  nation.  Un 
questionably  this  business,  legitimate  perhaps  but 
thoroughly  contemptible,  had  been  going  on  for  some 
time  past,  and  was  just  now  being  pushed  with  daily 
increasing  vigor.  It  furnished  an  argument  unfor 
tunately  plausible  if  not  altogether  sound.  It  was 
said,  and  by  many  persons  doubtless  was  honestly 
and  fully  believed,  to  be  contrary  to  substantial  jus 
tice  as  well  as  repugnant  to  right  feeling,  to  redeem 
in  the  hands  of  the  odious  speculator  at  its  full 
nominal  value  the  certificate  of  government  indebt 
edness  which  he  had  purchased  at  an  enormous  de 
preciation  from  the  soldier  who  had  won  its  full  face 
value  by  toil  and  wounds.  The  sketch  of  the  two 
men  —  the  unfortunate  seller  and  the  ignoble  buyer 
—  was  drawn  in  lively  colors,  and  the  people  who 
had  never  been  forward  to  pay  the  soldiers  in  times 
past  now  appeared  as  their  most  zealous  protectors 
against  the  grasping  horde  of  speculative  purchasers. 
It  was  an  aggravation  of  this  hardship  that  the  first 
creditor  would  as  a  tax-payer  actually  be  obliged  to 
bear  his  share  of  the  burden  of  paying  in  full  the  new 
creditor,  who  had  purchased  from  him  at  the  rate  per 
haps  of  only  three  or  four  shillings  in  the  pound. 
Some  proposed  to  pay  cent  per  cent  to  those  original 
holders  who  still  retained  their  certificates  and  should 
present  them  for  redemption,  but  to  pay  to  assignees 


^96  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

only  such  sums  as  those  assignees  themselves  should 
have  paid  in  procuring  the  assignment;  nor  did  they 
seem  to  reflect  with  what  ease  false  assignments  at 
false  valuations  would  be  arranged  to  meet  the  emer 
gencies  which  would  be  created  by  this  plan,  or  what 
intricate  and  endless  inquiries  would  be  opened. 
Others  went  farther  than  this  and  actually  suggested 
the  impracticable  notion  of  reimbursing  to  original 
holders  the  amount  which  should  remain  over  after 
paying  to  subsequent  purchasers  the  full  amount  of 
their  purchase-money  ;  a  scheme  quite  specious,  inas 
much  as  no  individual  was  left  a  loser,  and  the  gov 
ernment  paid  the  full  face  value  of  the  claims  existing 
against  it. 

The  secretary,  after  "  the  most  mature  reflection," 
rejected  in  all  its  shapes  this  doctrine  of  a  distinction 
between  original  payees  and  subsequent  assignees  as 
"  equally  unjust  and  impolitic  ;  as  highly  injurious 
even  to  the  original  holders  of  public  securities ;  as 
ruinous  to  public  credit."  It  was  unjust,  because 
the  contract  of  the  government  was  to  pay  to  the 
original  holder  or  to  his  assigns.  That  was  the  plain 
straightforward  promise  deliberately  made,  distinctly 
written  out,  and  fully  understood.  The  very  act  of 
assignment  was  a  recognition  of  it  by  the  assignor  no 
less  than  by  the  assignee.  It  was  intended  that  the 
holder  should  thus  have  the  advantage  of  the  power 
to  sell,  and  that  the  buyer  would  be  subrogated  to 
all  his  rights.  It  was  supposed  to  be  and  doubtless 
was  a  material  advantage  to  the  national  debtor  to 
receive  a  promise  which  was  transferable  and  nego 
tiable,  rather  than  one  which  was  not  so.  The  one 
had  some  value,  the  other  for  a  time  at  least  might 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  297 

be  said  to  have  none.  The  buyer  lost  none  of  his 
equities  because  he  bought  at  a  low  price  that  which 
might  rightfully  be  sold.  The  price  which  he  paid, 
whatever  it  was,  must  be  taken  to  be  the  market 
price  established  in  view  of  the  hazard  of  repudia 
tion,  —  a  hazard  which  was  far  from  inconsiderable, 
and  which  perhaps  turned  on  little  less  "  than  a 
revolution  in  government."  The  hardship  suffered 
by  the  necessitous  seller  was  not  chargeable  to  the 
purchaser,  but  rather  to  the  government :  that  promi 
sor  which  having  once  been  so  dishonest  was  now 
inclined  to  be  so  fancifully  just.  The  purchaser  had 
no  possible  responsibility  for  the  condition  of  things 
which  rendered  redemption  dubious  and  consequently 
the  price  low.  So  far  as  this  responsibility  rested 
anywhere  it  rested  upon  government;  and  so  far  as 
the  seller  might  in  the  way  of  abstract  righteousness 
have  any  claim  for  redress,  he  must  have  it  and 
should  prosecute  it  in  the  quarter  where  the  respon 
sibility  lay.  He  knew  at  the  time  of  the  sale  just 
what  he  was  parting  with  ;  he  knew  further  that  as 
a  member  of  the  taxable  community  he  was  liable  to 
bear  his  share  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  obligation  which 

O 

he  was  assigning.  Doubtless  many  a  seller  was  only 
too  glad  to  accomplish  the  parting,  and  took  very 
light  if  not  altogether  dishonest  views  concerning 
the  vague  and  distant  obligation. 

The  argument,  more  properly  to  be  denominated 
an  appeal,  for  discrimination  between  different  classes 
of  holders  proceeded  upon  the  supposition  that  the 
sales  by  original  creditors  had  been  superinduced  by 
their  immediate  urgent  necessities.  Perhaps  in  the 
majority  of  instances  this  had  been  the  case,  for  it  is 


298  LIFE   OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

a  melancholy  truth  that  the  people  of  the  United 
States  treated  those  who  served  them  either  with 
person  or  property  in  their  struggle  for  liberty  with 
a  degree  of  meanness  which  reduced  most  of  these 
unfortunate  patriots  to  the  extremity  of  need.  Still 
it  by  no  means  appeared  that  this  was  always  the 
case.  Some  doubtless  had  distrusted  the  eventual 
payment  of  the  national  dues,  and  without  the  press 
ure  of  necessity  had  hastened  to  sell  their  claim  to 
those  who  had  more  confidence  in  the  government 
than  these  sellers  entertained,  and  were  at  least  will 
ing  to  wait  a  little  longer  if  not  to  abide  the  final 
result.  Others  had  been  allured  by  opportunities  for 
profitable  speculation  elsewhere.  Who  could  tell 
that  the  seller  might  not  have  actually  bettered  his 
financial  condition  as  an  indirect  result  of  the  sale  ? 
Or  who  could  under  such  circumstances  pretend  to 
amend  and  correct  the  equities  between  the  several 
parties  ?  It  might  well  have  happened  also,  that 
persons  under  temporary  pressure  had  sold,  and  upon 
the  removal  of  the  pressure  had  hastened  to  purchase 
back  again  and  to  reinstate  themselves  in  their  for 
mer  condition.  Ought  they  now  to  be  deprived  of 
the  indemnity  which  they  had  so  providently  endeav 
ored  to  secure  ?  Difficulties  of  this  nature  multiplied 
themselves  without  end  so  soon  as  one  began  to  con 
sider  details,  and  by  their  multitude  demonstrated 
the  futility  of  the  subtle  discriminations  which  must 
be  made  in  pursuit  of  a  supposed  equity. 

Obstacles  of  detail  of  another  class  also  were 
thought  of,  which  might  well  be  expected  to  prove 
insurmountable.  Suppose,  for  example,  that  two 
years  before  this  time  two  persons  had  bought  secu- 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  299 

rities  at  the  rate  of  three  shillings  in  the  pound ; 
that  one  had  held  to  the  present  day,  the  other 
a  few  months  since  had  sold  at  nine  shillings  in  the 
pound.  The  latter  would  have  made  his  profit  of 
two  hundred  per  cent ;  the  former  under  the  plan 
of  discrimination  would  simply  get  his  purchase 
money  back.  Yet  the  former  would  have  manifested 
the  greater  confidence  in  the  government ;  and  could 
a  rule  be  just  which  should  leave  the  advantage  all 
with  the  more  distrustful  party  ?  Would  it  not  show 
the  distrust  to  have  been  only  too  well  founded  ? 
Neither  does  it  appear  that  in  this  supposed  case  the 
buyer  who  had  held  his  securities  might  not  arrange 
a  fraudulent  collusion  with  some  supposed  buyer 
from  himself  at  a  considerable  advance  upon  the 
price  paid  by  him,  and  so  cheat  the  government  out 
of  a  large  percentage.  It  is  true  that  this  would 
involve  the  commission  of  an  undetected  crime.  But 
the  speculators  were  not  supposed  to  have  sensitive 
consciences.  Arguments  quite  as  colorable  as  those 
by  which  the  government  justified  itself  in  robbing 
them  might  be  invented  to  justify  them  in  counter- 
robbing  the  government.  As  for  discovery,  it  would 
be  always  costly,  in  most  cases  impossible.  The 
legislature  would  doubtless  create  such  safeguards 
as  it  could,  but  these  would  too  surely  not  be  impreg 
nable  before  the  ingenuity  of  interested  men.  Al 
together  it  must  be  admitted  that  discrimination, 
which  could  only  be  defended  on  the  ground  of 
working  substantial  justice,  was  sure  in  its  operation 
to  do  very  much  injustice  upon  its  own  or  any  other 
theory,  besides  exercising  indirectly  a  very  demoral 
izing  influence.  It  was  fair  to  infer,  therefore,  that 


300  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

the  scheme  might  not  be  so  very  just  as  it  seemed. 
It  must  also  be  impolitic.  For  unless  a  transferee 
were  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  full  rights 
which  he  purchased,  the  facility  of  transfer  would 
be  greatly  reduced,  and  the  future  usefulness  of  the 
certificates  of  public  debt  as  money  would  be  almost 
or  quite  annihilated.  The  securities  would  thus  be 
rendered  less  desirable  ;  for  indeed  it  would  be  hard 
to  place  any  value  upon  a  non-negotiable  evidence 
of  public  indebtedness,  the  mere  personal  claim  of 
an  individual  upon  government.  They  would  scarcely 
be  marketable  at  all,  and  the  government  would  in 
consequence  be  able  to  borrow  upon  much  less  favor 
able  terms.  By  this  means  there  would  be  imposed 
upon  the  people  a  needless  burden,  very  costly  and 
likely  to  remain  operative  throughout  an  indefinite 
future  period. 

The  very  effort  to  do  justice  by  discrimination  in 
favor  of  original  holders  would  result  in  a  loss  to 
them.  For  new  certificates  issued  to  them  would 
be  salable  only  at  such  a  discount  below  their  face 
value  as  should  be  insisted  upon  by  the  purchaser 
in  order  to  offset  the  hazard  to  his  rights  as  an 
assignee  measured  by  this  alarming  precedent.  The 
scheme  of  doing  dishonest  justice  would  in  a  measure 
defeat  its  own  ends,  inasmuch  as  it  would  "not  only 
divest  present  proprietors  by  purchase  of  the  rights 
they  had  acquired  under  the  sanction  of  the  public 
faith,  but  it  would  depreciate  the  property  of  the 
remaining  original  holders,"  as  well  as  of  all  persons 
who  should  hereafter  stand  in  the  like  predicament. 
Of  course  it  must  be  understood  in  elucidation  of 
this  reasoning  that  the  " payment"  which  it  was 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  301 

proposed  to  make  was  not  to  be  in  the  shape  of  actual 
cash,  but  of  new  certificates  of  debt  more  valuable 
than  the  old  ones,  their  predecessors,  only  because  well 
funded  and  accompanied  by  such  legislative  action 
as  would  leave  no  doubt  of  the  prompt  redemption 
of  principal  and  interest  according  to  their  terms. 
This  very  faith  in  them,  to  which  alone  they  could 
owe  their  increased  value,  must  be  greatly  impugned 
by  the  folly  of  discrimination.  A  false  payment  would 
be  made,  and  no  payee  would  get  what  the  govern 
ment  nominally  gave  him. 

One  more  objection  the  secretary  suggested  as 
rendering  the  plan  "  perhaps  even  more  exception 
able  "  than  it  had  appeared  in  any  former  point  of 
view.  It  would  be  repugnant  to  that  clause  of  the 
Constitution,  which  provided  that  "  all  debts  con 
tracted  and  engagements  entered  into  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  should  be  as  valid  under 
it  as  under  the  Confederation."  By  virtue  of  this 
language  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  rights  of 
assignees  and  of  original  holders  must  be  considered 
to  be  equal.  The  secretary  regarded  these  omnipo 
tent  words  as  "fully  exploding  the  principle  of  dis 
crimination."  The  only  question  was  whether  the 
mandate  would  be  respected. 

The  next  question  related  to  the  debts  of  the  sev 
eral  States.  Should  these  be  assumed  for  pa}^ment 
by  the  national  government  ?  The  secretary  strongly 
favored  the  assumption,  regarding  the  measure  as 
one  "  of  sound  policy  and  substantial  justice."  Ad 
mitting  that  the  State  debts  ought  to  be  and  must 
be  paid,  it  was  obvious  that  no  greater  revenues 
would  be  required  if  the  provision  were  to  be  made 


302  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

by  the  United  States,  than  if  it  were  to  be  made  by 
the  States  severally.  It  then  became  matter  for  con 
sideration  whether  the  arrangements  for  meeting  the 
national  and  the  several  State  debts  could  not  be 
made  more  conveniently  and  more  effectually  by  one 
general  plan  issuing  from  one  paramount  authority, 
than  by  many  different  plans  originating  with  as 
many  different  authorities?  In  the  former  case  com 
petition  in  taxation  would  be  avoided  ;  in  the  latter 
case  it  would  be  inevitable.  In  its  train  it  would 
bring  the  evils  of  interfering  regulations,  the  oppres 
sion  of  one  and  another  particular  branch  of  industry, 
the  impossibility  of  deriving  from  the  natural  and 
proper  sources  the  full  amount  of  revenue  which 
they  might  yield  under  a  single  skilful  imposition. 
Further,  the  several  States  if  left  to  manage  their 
own  separate  debts  by  means  of  their  own  separate 
revenues  would  impose  different  taxes  upon  different 
articles,  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  adop 
tion  of  a  wise  and  uniform  system  by  the  central 
government,  creating  inextricable  complication  and 
confusion,  and  for  these  and  other  reasons  causing 
infinite  waste,  vexation,  and  disturbance  of  business. 
Should  all  the  public  creditors  receive  their  regu 
larly  recurring  instalments  of  interest  and  principal 
from  one  and  the  same  source  without  discrimina 
tion  in  the  channel  of  payment,  they  would  all  be 
treated  alike ;  would  all  have  interests  centred  in 
the  same  quarter,  and  would  all  feel  united  in  sup 
port  of  the  general  paymaster.  Distinct  sources 
of  payment,  perhaps  varying  in  punctuality,  would 
produce  a  diversity  of  interest  and  mutual  jealousy. 
Division  would  be  fostered  instead  of  union.  It  could 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  303 

scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  national  creditors  would 
fare  best.  The  State  creditors  would  be  dissatisfied, 
and  their  dissatisfaction  would  increase  any  hazard 
that  might  adhere  to  the  national  indebtedness.  It 
would  be  better  for  both  classes  of  creditors  that  both 
should  hold  claims  against  the  same  solvent  debtor, 
and  should  feel  a  common  zeal  in  supporting  the 
national  government. 

Justice,  also,  was  upon  the  same  side  with  policy. 
The  chief  proportion,  substantially  it  might  be  said 
the  whole,  of  the  several  State  debts  and  of  the 
national  debt  had  been  contracted  for  the  same 
purpose.  They  were  all  war  debts.  Indeed,  the 
larger  part  of  many  of  the  State  debts  had  arisen  out 
of  the  assumption  of  debts  properly  payable  by  the 
Union.  But  in  truth,  what  mattered  it  whether  these 
local  debts  were  incurred  respectively  for  the  de 
fence  of  one  or  another  particular  part  of  the  common 
country  ?  So  long  as  they  were  in  fact  contracted 
in  defending  any  district  it  was  sufficient ;  for  who 
could'  deny  that  the  protection  of  each  part  was  the 
protection  of  the  whole,  and  that  each  part  was 
entitled  to  be  defended  at  the  common  charge  ? 
Otherwise,  indeed,  the  tendency  must  be  to  the 
imposition  of  an  increase  of  financial  burdens  upon 
that  region  which  had  suffered  most  from  the  calam- 

O 

ities  of  war,  a  proposition  which  no  one  would  pretend 
to  maintain.  Natural  equity,  to  which  the  various 
creditors  could  hardly  be  blind,  seemed  to  demand  that 
the  principal  debtor  who  had  directly  or  indirectly 
received  in  all  instances  the  advantage  of  the  various 
advancements  of  goods,  money,  or  service  should 
undertake  the  reimbursement  of  all  upon  the  same 


304  LIFE    OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

terms ;  and  that  there  should  be  no  favoritism,  nor 
any  invidious  discrimination  between  the  different 
classes,  which  were  alike  entitled  to  consider  them 
selves  as  being  in  fact  creditors  of  the  whole  undi 
vided  country. 

An  important  obstacle  to  assumption  lay  in  the 
common  notion  that  thereby  the  difficulty  of  effect 
ing  ultimate  financial  settlements  between  the  United 
States  and  the  several  States  might  be  increased. 
But  the  apprehension  of  such  difficulties  was  alto 
gether  unsound,  at  least  if  the  secretary's  scheme 
were  fully  carried  out ;  and  from  this  source  there 
ought  to  arise  no  substantial  objection.  It  would  be 
just,  lawful,  and  easy  to  provide  in  the  act  that  there 
should  be  charged  to  each  State,  upon  account,  the 
amount  of  indebtedness  assumed  on  its  behalf. 
Hamilton  did  not  expect  to  obtain  from  debtor  States 
the  amount  of  their  indebtedness ;  but  he  proposed 
to  cancel  that  amount,  and  to  pay  to  the  creditor 
States  in  just  proportions  respectively  such  sums  as 
would  constitute  an  equivalent  compensation  to  each 
of  them. 

Some  time  afterward,  in  speaking  of  this  topic, 
Hamilton  expressed  in  a  few  clear  words  the  argu 
ments  in  favor  of  his  measure  :  "  The  great  induce 
ments  with  me  to  the  assumption,"  he  said,  "were 
chiefly  giving  simplicity  and  energy  to  the  national 
finances ;  the  avoiding  of  the  collisions  of  multifa 
rious  and  conflicting  systems  ;  the  securing  to  the 
government,  for  national  exigencies,  the  complete 
command  of  the  national  resources ;  the  consolida 
tion  of  the  public  credit.  These  were  the  command 
ing  notions,  arid  it  is  believed  they  were  solid." 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  305 

There  remained  for  consideration  the  arrears  of  in 
terest  ;  and  these  unfortunately  were  very  large.  A 
sentiment  hostile  to  the  payment  of  this  portion  of 
the  indebtedness  was  more  widely  prevalent  than  it 
is  agreeable  to  recall,  since  it  was  the  only  really  dis 
honest  purpose  that  found  numerous  advocates  ;  as 
though  forsooth  a  public  creditor  who  should  receive 
back  his  principal,  cent  per  cent,  would  do  well  to  be 
thankful  for  so  much  good  luck,  and  should  let  the 
interest  go  with  a  good  grace !  Hamilton  accepted  no 
such  doctrine.  He  was  of  opinion  that  the  arrears  of 
interest  had  pretensions  at  least  equal  to  the  principal. 
A  large  part  of  the  debt  was  in  such  shape  that  it  might 
be  considered  that  the  time  of  payment  of  the  principal 
was  discretionary  with  the  government ;  but  the  ar 
rears  of  interest  were  accumulations  of  indebted 
ness,  all  which  was  overdue,  and  much  of  it  long  over 
due.  It  represented  income  which  people  had  expected 
to  live  upon,  had  counted  upon,  as  it  should  regularly 
come  in,  to  pay  their  daily  expenses.  In  this  point  of 
view,  the  interest  was  a  debt  which  there  were  stronger 
reasons  for  paying  promptly  than  there  were  for  pay 
ing  the  principal  on  the  day  of  maturity.  Of  the  two, 
want  of  punctuality  as  to  interest  might  create  more 
hardship  than  delay  in  redemption  of  principal.  Im 
mediate  actual  payment  of  so  large  an  amount  might 
doubtless  be  impracticable  ;  but  the  impracticability 
no  farther  aifected  the  obligation  than  as  it  might  ex 
cuse  the  proposition  of  a  new  contract,  the  best  that 
the  debtor  could  make,  in  fair  commutation  of  the 
broken  one. 

The  secretary  had  now  finished  his  discussion  of 
the  various  classes  of  debt,  and  had  rejected  none  of 
VOL.  i.  20 


306  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

them.  The  question  of  ways  and  means  remained. 
As  preliminary  to  considering  it,  a  schedule  of  the 
amount  of  indebtedness  was  furnished  substantially 
as  follows :  — 

Principal  of  the  foreign  debt $10,070,307.00 

Arrears  of  interest  on  same  to  Dec.  31, 1789  .       1,640,071.62 


$11,710,37862 

Principal  of  liquidated  domestic  debt    .     .     .$27,383,917.74 
Arrears  of  interest  to  Dec.  31,  1790  ....     13,030,168.20 

$40,414,085.94 


Besides  this,  the  unliquidated  part  of  the  domestic 
debt,  consisting  chiefly  of  continental  bills  of  credit, 
was  estimated  at  $2,000,000.  The  aggregate  of  these 
three  sums,  —  854,124,464.56,  —  constituted  the  whole 
debt  of  the  country.  The  aggregate  of  the  State 
debts  could  not  be  accurately  ascertained  from  any 
data  in  the  possession  of  the  secretary ;  but  from  such 
information  as  had  been  obtained  in  response  to  cer 
tain  orders  of  the  House,  he  presumed  that  the  total 
amount  of  principal  and  arrears  of  interest  would  not 
exceed' the  round  sum  of  twenty-five  million  dollars. 
The  rate  of  interest  on  the  domestic  portion  of  the 
national  debt,  and  upon  the  several  State  debts,  was 
for  the  most  part  six  per  cent.  Upon  the  foreign 
debt  the  rate  was  in  part  four,  in  part  five,  per  cent. 
The  annual  interest  on  the  entire  indebtedness  would 
be  $4,587,444.81. 

Could  the  United  States  meet  this  charge  in  addi 
tion  to  the  expenses  for  the  current  service  of  the 
government,  and  also  having  due  regard  to  such 
prudential  considerations  as  ought  not  to  be  over 
looked  ?  Upon  this  question  the  secretary  declared 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  307 

that  he  would  "  not  say  that  such  a  provision  would 
exceed  the  abilities  of  the  country  ;  but  he  was  clearly 
of  opinion  that  to  make  it  would  require  the  extension 
of  taxation  to  a  degree  and  to  objects  which  the  true 
interests  of  the  public  creditors  forbid.  It  is  there 
fore  to  be  hoped,  and  even  to  be  expected,  that  they 
will  cheerfully  concur  in  such  modifications  of  their 
claims  on  fair  and  equitable  principles  as  will  facili 
tate  to  the  government  an  arrangement  substantial, 
durable,  and  satisfactory  to  the  community." 

Indeed,  no  plan  not  possessing  these  characteristics, 
especially  the  last  named  of  them,  could  be  truly  en 
titled  to  confidence.  A  system  beneath  which  the 
people  would  grow  restive  would  soon  be  overthrown. 
Yet  it  was  not  sufficient  to  show  what  was  sound 
wisdom  and  expedient  policy  for  the  creditors.  They 
could  not  be  forced  to  be  wise  against  their  own  will, 
and  it  must  be  acknowledged  —  utter  impossibilities 
only  apart  —  that  no  change  in  their  status  could  be 
honorably  brought  about  except  by  their  consent, 
voluntary  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name. 

The  indebtedness  of  the  country  was  lawfully 
payable  at  any  time  when  the  debtor  should  choose, 
—  a  fact  usually  considered  favorable  for  the  debtor, 
and  unfavorable  for  the  creditor.  The  secretary's 
anticipations  as  to  the  probable  borrowing  power 
of  the  new  people  for  this  purpose  of  repayment 
are  interesting.  Upon  the  basis  of  effectual  meas 
ures  for  the  establishment  of  public  credit  he  ven 
tured  to  prognosticate  that  within  a  short  period, 
probably  within  five  years,  the  government  rate  of 
interest  would  fall  to  five  per  cent,  and  that  within 
twenty  years  the  rate  would  be  four  per  cent.  For 


308  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

in  his  mind  it  was  presumable  that  no  country 
could  borrow  from  foreigners  on  better  terms  than 
could  the  United  States,  removed  as  they  were  beyond 
the  reach  of  the  expensive  complications  of  European 
politics,  and  having  resources  not  indeed  available  in 
the  shape  of  cash  on  the  instant,  but  substantial,  visi 
ble,  and  very  large  in  proportion  to  the  national 
encumbrances.  Already,  he  said,  these  facts  had 
attracted  the  favorable  attention  of  European  capi 
talists.  Before  the  Revolution,  money  was  to  be  had 
upon  good  security  at  five  per  cent  per  annum,  and 
at  even  less  rates.  Why  should  not  the  same  and 
indeed  a  better  condition  of  things  return?  The 
probability,  as  the  secretary  thought,  was  that  the 
fall  in  interest  was  likely  to  exceed  in  rapidity  rather 
than  to  fall  short  of  his  predictions ;  but  he  preferred 
to  keep  within  safe  limits.  It  was  impossible  for 
Hamilton  or  for  any  prophet  having  no  more  than 
human  foresight,  and  the  history  of  the  past  as  his  only 
guide  in  judging  of  the  future,  to  anticipate  that  won 
derful  growth  which  was  forthwith  to  begin  in  the 
land,  and  which  created  such  a  demand  for  capital 
and  made  the  returns  from  business,  the  profits  from 
speculation,  so  enormous  that  great  rates  would  be 
readily  paid  for  the  use  of  money.  The  history  and 
experience  of  mankind  prior  to  1790  furnished  no 
precedent  upon  which  such  expectations  could  be 
founded.  It  was  in  fact  the  very  prosperity  of  the 
country,  which  quickly  supervened,  that  prevented 
the  rate  of  interest  for  even  the  borrower  in  best 
credit  from  falling  permanently  to  four  per  cent  per 
annum.  It  may  sometimes  happen,  as  it  was  soon 
seen  to  happen  in  the  United  States,  that  a  high  rate 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  309 

of  interest  marks  not  so  much  an  indifferent  chance 
of  repayment  or  poor  credit  as  a  high  degree  of 
activity  in  business  and  a  wide-spread  prosperity. 
When  the  high  rate  arises  from  the  fact  that  indus 
tries  are  so  lively,  multiplying,  and  remunerative  that 
any  enterprising  man  can  afford  to  pay  that  rate  and 
yet  reserve  a  handsome  profit  for  himself,  then  the 
state  of  affairs  is  certainly  better  than  at  times  when 
the  stagnation  of  every  branch  of  business  is  such  that 
there  is  no  temptation  to  embark  in  any  undertak 
ings,  no  call  for  money,  and  only  a  very  small  per 
centage  can  wisely  be  offered  for  its  use. 

The  secretary  suggested  several  different  plans  for 
the  fulfilment  of  his  project.  By  the  adoption  of  any 
of  them  it  seemed  possible  that  the  assumption  of  all 
the  indebtedness  could  be  achieved,  without  imposing 
upon  the  nation  a  burden  too  heavy  for  it  to  endure 
with  reasonable  ease  at  the  present  stage  of  its  exist 
ence,  and  at  the  same  time  with  such  justice  and  ad 
vantage  to  the  creditors  that  they  could  not  wisely 
withhold  their  assent.  These  plans,  which  few  read 
ers  would  forgive  me  for  undertaking  to  present 
in  full,  were  as  yet  nothing  more  than  official  recom 
mendations.  Congress  might  refuse  to  adopt  any  one 
of  them,  nor  would  that  which  might  be  adopted  be 
compulsory  on  creditors.  For  the  present  there  was 
only  needed  for  maturing  indebtedness  $2,239,163.09, 
and  for  the  estimated  annual  cost  of  government  about 
$600,000  more.  At  the  preceding  session  of  Con 
gress  a  bill  regulating  imports  and  duties  had  been 
adopted,  establishing  the  principle  of  protection  of 
native  production  as  the  policy  of  the  United  States. 
Hamilton  now  proposed  to  meet  the  small,  immediate 


310  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

need  by  increasing  the  duties  on  imported  wines  and 
spirits,  and  including  for  purposes  of  taxation  those 
distilled  within  the  United  States ;  also  by  raising 
the  tax  already  laid  upon  tea  and  coffee.  He  thought 
that  a  sound  policy  required  that  duties  upon  articles 
of  these  kinds  should  be  carried  to  a  point  as  high 
as  would  be  consistent  with  safe  collection.  Thus  it 
would  be  needless  to  resort  to  direct  taxation,  or  to 
encumber  trade  with  a  multiplicity  of  public  charges 
many  of  Avhich  must  fall  upon  more  necessary  articles. 
Convenience  and  cheapness  of  collection  were  also 
important  considerations. 

Having  ventured  to  suggest  the  unpopular  measure 
of  an  excise,  he  undertook  to  give  the  most  scrupulous 
protection  against  the  misconduct  or  imposition  of 
the  revenue  officers.  Under  proper  circumstances 
they  could  be  held  to  respond  in  damages,  and  might 
even  be.punished  as  upon  a  criminal  charge.  In  all 
cases  of  seizure,  even  upon  probable  cause,  which 
should  be  followed  by  acquittal,  compensation  for 
all  loss  and  injury  inflicted  was  to  be  made  from  the 
public  treasury.  In  view  of  the  moderation  and 
justice  of  the  plan,  and  of  the  momentous  fact  that 
upon  its  success  must  depend  in  no  small  degree  the 
character,  prosperity,  and  even  the  permanence  of 
the  nation,  Hamilton  hoped  that  hostility,  obstacles, 
and  evasions  need  not  be  greatly  feared. 

While  declaring  that  the  proper  funding  of  the 
present  debt  would  render  it  a  national  blessing, 
the  secretary  was  far  from  adopting  the  prodigal 
and  dangerous  doctrine  that  "  public  debts  are  public 
benefits."  On  the  contrary,  he  ardently  desired  "  to 
see  it  incorporated  as  a  fundamental  maxim  in  the 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  311 

system  of  public  credit  of  the  United  States,  that 
the  creation  of  debt  should  always  be  accompanied 
with  the  means  of  extinguishment."  This  was  "  the 
true  secret  for  rendering  public  credit  immortal." 
It  was  with  difficulty  that  he  imagined  a  situation 
in  which  adherence  to  this  maxim  should  become 
impracticable ;  and  he  warmly  urged  that  the  United 
States  should  at  least  begin  their  new  financial  career 
in  obedience  to  this  grand  and  wise  principle.  It  was 
accordingly  proposed  that  the  net  income  from  the 
post-office  department  should  be  appropriated  as  a 
sort  of  sinking  fund. 

Further,  Hamilton  advised  the  contracting  a  new 
,loan  abroad  not  to  exceed  twelve  million  dollars,  to 
be  used  for  defraying  the  immediate  outgo  and  sup 
plying  possible  deficiencies.  Any  balance  which 
might  remain  should  be  employed  in  paying  off  such 
parts  of  the  foreign  debt  as  bore  a  higher  rate  of  inter 
est  than  need  now  be  paid,  and  in  buying  for  national 
account  the  certificates  of  the  public  debt  as  favorable 
opportunities  should  occur.  The  money  would  be 
useful  in  the  country.  The  future  disbursement 
of  the  foreign  interest  would  be  no  serious  matter. 
Indeed,  the  saving  in  interest  might  alone  make  the 
transaction  remunerative.  The  proposed  purchases 
would  also  be  beneficial  in  accelerating  the  advance 
of  the  public  securities  to  their  full  value.  Part  of 
the  profit  of  this  advance  would  be  reaped  by  govern 
ment,  but  especially  such  an  appreciation  would  be 
of  advantage  in  its  bearing  upon  the  transactions  of 
foreigners.  So  long  as  they  were  tempted  to  buy 
the  securities  for  speculation  at  the  current  low 
prices,  they  were  placing  themselves  in  a  position 


312  LITE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

to  drain  the  country  of  its  resources  ;  but  if  the  stock 
should  approximate  to  its  full  value  they  would  either 
cease  to  purchase,  or  the  larger  sums  of  money  which 
they  would  be  compelled  to  send  into  the  country 
would  be  useful  to  a  degree  far  beyond  the  cost  in 
interest.  No  advantage  which  might  be  expected 
hereafter  to  accrue  from  purchases  made  by  govern 
ment  upon  a  larger  scale  at  low  prices  could  be 
expected  to  offset  the  loss  which  must  almost  surely 
arise  from  the  purchases  which  would  be  made  by 
foreigners  at  the  same  low  prices.  In  order  however 
to  render  the  purchases  by  government  just  and  hon 
orable,  they  should  be  preceded  by  some  decisive 
action  as  to  the  questions  of  funding,  provisions  for 
payment,  and  establishment  of  a  sinking  fund. 

Urging  prompt  action  upon  these  matters  as  being 
absolutely  essential  for  reasons  both  of  practical  and 
moral  import,  the  secretary  closed  his  report,  —  a  doc 
ument  coping  with  difficulties  that  have  never  been 
exceeded,  and  showing  a  financial  ability  coupled 
with  an  honorable  spirit  such  as  have  never  been 
excelled  in  the  history  of  the  country. 

This  report  had  been  long  looked  for  with  profound 
and  universal  anxiety.  Upon  the  day  when  it  was 
to  be  submitted  to  Congress,  a  great  concourse  of 
people  pressed  around  the  chamber  of  the  represen 
tatives  to  obtain  certain  knowledge  of  its  contents, 
and  doubtless  also  to  judge  so  well  as  they  could  of 
the  spirit  in  which  it  would  be  received  by  that  body. 
Indeed,  speculation  had  been  rampant  of  late  in  gov 
ernment  securities.  Hamilton's  opinions  upon  the 
financial  questions  which  he  had  now  to  consider 
officially  had  long  since  been  formed,  and  as  he  had 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  313 

made  no  secret  of  them  at  earlier  times  when  there 
was  no  reason  for  his  doing  so,  they  had  become 
known  to  many  persons.  Very  naturally  the  certi 
ficates  of  debt  had  been  rapidly  advancing.  Until 
very  recently  they  had  been  low  enough,  having  gen 
erally  commanded  as  a  maximum  the  absurd  price 
of  fifteen  cents  upon  the  dollar ;  while  many  holders 
were  so  pressed  by  necessity  or  wheedled  by  design 
ing  purchasers  as  to  accept  even  lower  prices. 

From  so  depressed  a  point  was  it  that  they  began 
to  move  upward !  It  did  not  take  much  money  to 
speculate  with  the  possibility  of  enormous  profits. 
The  advance  had  already  made  a  no  inconsiderable 
progress  when  the  secretary's  recommendations  were 
presented  to  Congress.  The  trustworthy  publication 
of  his  opinions  at  once  accelerated  the  movement 
and  carried  the  market  price  to  fifty  per  cent  of  the 
nominal  value.  Here  were  profits  reaped  at  a  rate 
per  cent  which  the  world  has  seldom  if  ever  seen 
equalled ;  and  there  was  a  strong  chance  that  he 
who  had  the  nerve  to  buy  now  and  to  hold  to  the 
end  might  succeed  in  doubling  his  money.  Naturally 
enough  the  speculators  were  busy  and  prosperous. 
But  their  activity  and  prosperity  did  not  so  much 
help  as  imperil  their  own  cause,  by  no  means  concil 
iating  the  good-will  of  the  people  who  persisted  in. 
seeing  in  these  persons,  whether  rightly  or  wrongly, 
nothing  else  save  a  greedy  and  rapacious  horde.  The 
truth  as  to  the  amount  of  speculation  arid  as  to  the 
odiousness  of  some  of  it  was  doubtless  great  enough, 
but  as  usual  all  sorts  of  exaggerations  of  truth  and 
rumors  altogether  false  were  rife,  and  found  ready 
credence  without  any  hypercritical  demand  for  proofs. 


314  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

There  were  tales  of  couriers  aided  by  relays  of  horses 
scouring  the  remote  parts  of  the  country  to  secure 
certificates  in  advance  of  the  news.  One  favorite 
story  was  that  a  swift  pilot-boat  had  been  sent  to 
the  Carolinas  and  Georgia  to  purchase  all  the  certi 
ficates  which  could  be  found  there,  before  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  present  probabilities  could  reach  those 
distant  quarters  by  the  slow  regular  communication. 
Members  of  Congress  were  named  as  having  shared 
in  these  transactions  of  which  the  profit  was  to  be 
assured  by  their  votes. 

Hamilton  of  course  had  been  subjected  to  much 
importunity  by  those  prudent  and  anxious  persons, 
who  could  not  feel  quite  satisfied  without  gaining 
certain  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  his  recommenda 
tions  before  actual  publication.  Such  information,  if 
it  could  be  had,  insured  a  fortune  to  be  made  in  a  few 
short  weeks.  He  preserved,  however,  the  most  im 
penetrable  secrecy,  making  thereby  not  a  few  ene 
mies,  whose  hostility  was  not  the  less  rancorous 
because  the  true  cause  of  it  could  hardly  be  disclosed 
by  them.  But  he  was  a  man  of  fastidious  personal 
honor  in  all  his  own  dealings,  and  was  utterly  unap 
proachable  by  his  best  friends  upon  such  an  occasion 
as  this.  There  has  been  preserved  his  reply  to  an 
application  of  this  nature,  which  appears  however 
to  have  been  of  a  more  delicate  and  less  objectionable 
character  than  many  others.  The  writer  inquired  as 
to  the  probable  value  of  the  domestic  debt  and  the 
interest-indents,  and  evidently  desired  only  such  an 
answer,  if  any,  as  the  secretary  might  think  it  right 
to  give.  The  interrogatories  came  from  Colonel  Henry 
Lee,  of  Virginia,  an  old  comrade  in  the  army  of  the 


FIRST   REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  315 

Revolution,    and    were    answered    by   Hamilton    as 
follows :  — 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND,  —  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the 
sixteenth  instant.  I  am  sure  you  are  sincere  when  you  say 
you  would  not  submit  me  to  an  impropriety.  Nor  do  I  know 
that  there  would  be  any  impropriety  in  answering  your  que 
ries.  But  you  remember  the  saying  with  regard  to  Cesar's 
wife.  I  think  the  spirit  of  it  applicable  to  every  man  con 
cerned  in  the  administration  of  the  finances  of  a  country. 
With  respect  to  the  conduct  of  such  men  suspicion  is  ever 
eagle-eyed,  and  the  most  innocent  things  are  apt  to  be  mis 
interpreted.  Be  assured  of  the  affection  and  friendship  of," 
&c. 

Some  few  historians,  who  should  have  been  more 
careful,  have  thoughtlessly  permitted  themselves  to 
use  a  vague,  general  phraseology  in  writing  of  this 
matter,  to  the  purport  that  those  who  lived  at  the 
seat  of  government  had  peculiar  means  of  information ; 
that  the  probable  bearing  of  the  secretary's  report 
became  known  among  them ;  and  other  innuendoes 
of  the  like  kind.  Knowledge  of  Hamilton's  views, 
by  reason  of  his  having  previously  expressed  them, 
may  have  been  obtainable  among  his  acquaintance 
in  New  York  ;  but  not  a  tittle  of  evidence,  even  of 
gossip  such  as  was  preserved  by  the  malignant  pen  of 
Jefferson,  points  to  any  other  conduct  on  his  part 
than  the  most  jealous  guarding  of  the  nature  of  his 
recommendations.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  pro 
ceedings  in  Which  there  is  too  much  reason  to  believe 
that  Congressmen  risked  their  honorable  reputations 
never  had  his  name  connected  with  them,  even  by  his 
most  scurrilous  opponents  at  the  time  or  afterward. 

The  report  fully  sustained  the  high  reputation  of 
its  author.  It  was  widely  read,  both  at  home  and 


316  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

abroad,  and  the  ability  as  well  as  the  integrity  dis 
played  in  it  were  everywhere  admitted  and  admired. 
But  it  was  far  from  obtaining  universal  assent. 
While  the  money-making  army  of  speculators  praised 
it  with  loud  effusion,  the  penurious  enemies  of  taxa 
tion  assailed  it  with  an  equal  vehemence.  But  among 
men  who  rose  superior  to  considerations  of  self-inter 
est  there  was  a  wide  and  honest  difference  in  convic 
tions.  Concerning  the  point  of  discrimination,  it 
seemed  to  the  party  of  clear-headed  men  to  be  just 
and  honorable  only  to  abide  by  the  rigid  letter  and 
precise  obligation  of  the  contract;  to  the  party  of 
sentimentalists  it  seemed  to  be  narrow-minded  folly 
to  say  that  it  was  just  to  pay  a  hundred  dollars  to  a 
speculator,  who  had  bought  his  claim  from  some 
needy  patriot  for  only  fifteen  dollars.  Each  side 
claimed  to  have  with  it  substantial  right  concerning 
this  question,  which  was  very  fairly  discussed,  mainly 
as  a  question  of  right  or  wrong,  and  not  of  economy 
or  finance,  —  the  favorite  idea  with  the  most  formi 
dable  opponents  of  the  secretary  being  not  to  save 
money  by  an  only  partial  payment,  but  to  distribute 
between  original  and  present  holders  in  certain  equi 
table  proportions  the  full  amount  which  was  due. 

The  assumption  of  the  State  debts,  however,  was  of 
a  different  character,  and  awoke  violent  political  pre 
judices.  It  was  openly  acknowledged  that  a  strong 
motive  for  favoring  it  lay  in  the  anticipation  that  it 
would  strengthen  the  bond  of  union  among  the  peo 
ple.  It  would  turn  the  State  creditors  from  the  atti 
tude  of  jealous  rivalry  towards  the  national  creditors 
to  that  of  friendship  towards  the  national  govern 
ment.  Thus  the  country  would  obtain  the  united 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  317 

and  harmonious  support  of  a  numerous  and  influen 
tial  body  of  men.  In  many  other  obvious  ways  not 
less  potent  than  this  the  same  effect  would  be  pro 
moted.  The  party  which  had  all  along  been  opposed 
to  a  strong  centralized  authority  was  naturally  much 
averse  to  a  measure  avowedly  intended  and  inevitably 
destined  to  increase  that  consolidation,  which  was  to 
them  an  object  of  such  great  suspicion  and  dread. 
The  division  on  this  point  seems  already  to  have 
drawn  the  line  of  separation  between  North  and 
South.  Oliver  Wolcott  wrote  :  "  The  northern  States 
seem  generally  to  favor  the  plan.  In  Virginia  and 
some  other  States  there  is  a  determined  and  stubborn 
opposition.  They  fear  a  consolidation  of  the  govern 
ment."  The  legislature  of  Virginia  ultimately  de 
clared  the  assumption  to  be  unconstitutional ;  at 
the  same  time,  however,  neglecting  to  make  any  pro 
vision  for  its  own  creditors,  and  leaving  them  no 
option  save  to  submit  to  total  loss  or  to  come  in  under 
the  congressional  scheme. 

Upon  the  other  hand  many  wise  judges  in  public 
affairs  averred  that  the  assumption  of  the  State  in 
debtedness  was  indispensable  to  the  perpetuation  of 
the  national  government ;  that  the  jealousies  and 
clashings  which  would  result  from  the  efforts  of  the 
States  to  provide  for  their  respective  obligations 
would  introduce  centrifugal  forces  too  powerful  to 
be  resisted.  Thus  it  may  be  seen  that  the  contest 
evoked  by  this  portion  of  the  secretary's  report  was 
political  rather  than  financial  in  its  aspect  and  bear 
ings.  Whatever  other  arguments  might  be  added 
the  real  question  plainly  was  not  whether  the  burden 
was  too  great,  but  whether  the  consequences  of  as- 


318  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

sumption  would  be  of  good  or  ill  influence  upon  the 
nature  of  the  government.  So  far  as  the  mere  mat 
ter  of  money  and  taxes  went,  nearly  all  the  opponents 
of  the  secretary's  plans  would  in  their  hearts  have 
been  quite  willing  to  vote  for  them. 

The  variety  of  sentiment  which  existed  through 
out  the  country  found  full  representation  in  Con 
gress  ;  and  unfortunately,  in  the  course  of  the  long 
debates  in  that  body,  the  opposing  partisans  instead 
of  approaching  agreement  seemed  to  grow  more 
vehement  and  resolute  in  their  respective  opinions. 
The  new  system  of  government  had  been  steadily 
gaining  strength  since  the  inauguration  of  President 
Washington,  but  unless  some  sufficient  arrangement 
of  the  national  finances  should  be  accomplished  dur 
ing  the  present  session  disappointment  was  sure  to  be 
grave  and  universal.  For  a  long  time  the  result  re 
mained  doubtful,  and  the  advocates  of  the  Hamilto- 
nian  policy  fluctuated  through  the  lower  degrees  of 
hopefulness  upon  the  several  issues  involved. 

The  subject  came  up  in  the  House  in  committee 
of  the  whole.  The  first  resolution  provided  for  the 
foreign  debt  and  was  passed  without  debate.  The 
second  resolution,  making  like  provision  for  the  prin 
cipal  and  arrears  of  interest  of  the  domestic  debt, 
was  not  altogether  popular  even  apart  from  the  vex 
atious  question  of  discrimination.  The  secretary's 
project  of  funding  was  regarded  with  prejudice  by 
the  anti-federalists  on  the  plausible  ground  that  it 
proposed  to  prolong  unnecessarily  the  final  discharge 
of  the  principal  sums  due.  They  pretended  to  say 
that  the  feeling  of  the  country  was  so  strongly  in 
favor  of  getting  out  of  debt  with  the  utmost  possible 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT.  319 

speed,  that  heavy  taxes  imposed  for  the  purpose  of 
effecting  rapid  payment  would  be  borne  much  more 
cheerfully  than  would  lighter  taxes  imposed  upon 
the  theory  of  distributing  the  burden  over  a  series 
of  many  years.  When  it  is  remembered  on  how 
small  a  scale  were  the  capital,  the  business,  the  accu 
mulations  even  of  prosperous  individuals  ;  how  wholly 
problematical  were  the  revenue  and  expenses  of  the 
new  nation,  and  how  mortally  perilous  it  might  be 
to  bring  unpopularity  upon  the  new  government  by 
too  severe  exactions,  —  it  will  hardly  appear  that  these 
criticisms  upon  Hamilton's  scheme  were  well-founded. 
Nothing  could  have  been  fraught  with  graver  disaster 
to  the  national  credit  than  the  failure  of  the  new 
undertakings  to  restore  the  public  solvency.  The 
new  United  States  were  coming  before  the  world, 
before  their  own  citizens,  with  a  proposition  to  begin 
a  fresh  record,  to  repair  past  delinquency,  and  to 
avoid  for  the  future  all  danger  of  the  recurrence  of 
a  like  disgraceful  condition  of  indebtedness.  If,  after 
a  brief  experiment  of  two  or  three  years  or  less,  it 
should  become  evident  that  the  new  nation  had 
promised  what  it  could  not  or  would  not  perform  ; 
that  it  was  falling  back  into  the  slough  of  debt  in 
stead  of  emerging  from  it ;  that  arrears  were  begin- 
ing  to  accumulate  in  the  old  pernicious  fashion,  —  then 
su-rely  the  condition  of  things  would  be  even  worse 
than  it  had  been  in  the  days  of  the  Confederation. 
Such  a  relapse  would  too  surely  be  fatal.  Not  easily 
could  another  opportunity  of  redeeming  a  twice  for 
feited  character  be  obtained.  It  must  be  a  primarily 
essential  element  in  any  plan  which  should  deserve 
to  command  approbation,  that  it  should  keep  within 


320  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

the  limits  of  the  certain  powers  of  the  nation.  Any 
predilection,  however  praiseworthy,  for  closing  ac 
counts  by  payment  of  all  dues  must  be  sacrificed  to 
the  imperative  necessity  of  undeviating  punctuality 
in  the  meeting  of  all  new  engagements. 

But  was  it  the  fact  that  this  passionate  resolve  to 
get  out  of  debt  had  taken  such  sudden  and  overmas 
tering  hold  of  a  people  which,  for  a  long  time  past, 
had  certainly  seemed  not  uncomfortable  in  their  con 
dition  of  indebtedness,  and  had  had  abundant  oppor 
tunity  at  least  to  grow  callous  ?  If  there  really  were 
any  manifestations  of  such  a  disposition  to  endure 
heavy  taxes  it  must  be  admitted  that  all  trustworthy 
traces  of  that  feeling  have  since  disappeared.  It 
may  have  existed  with  a  few  individuals ;  Madison, 
for  example,  seems  to  have  entertained  the  senti 
ment.  But  Madison  was  a  planter,  not  a  merchant ; 
and  he  showed  more  than  once  how  utterly  out  of 
accord  he  was  with  the  sentiments  of  the  mercantile 
community. 

The  real  objection  to  the  funding,  however,  was  of 
a  political  nature.  Gentlemen  in  their  assaults  upon 
it  did  not  hesitate  to  acknowledge  that  they  feared 
its  influence  in  the  state.  For  many  years  to  come 
it  would  exert  a  cohesive  force.  As  a  national  meas 
ure,  involving  national  machinery,  and  causing  people 
to  look  to  the  national  government  as  a  substantial 
power,  it  was  very  invidious  to  men  who,  having 
been  loath  to  see  that  government  come  into  exist 
ence,  continued  loath  to  see  it  prosper.  But  the 
funding  system  commended  itself  to  the  people  gen 
erally,  who  dreaded  its  political  bearing  much  less 
than  did  the  politicians.  It  was  not  a  strong  fight- 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  321 

ing-ground,  and  the  opposition  reserved  its  chief 
energies  for  the  much  more  available  question  of 
discrimination. 

In  the  discussion  of  this  topic,  the  policy  of  pay 
ing  to  present  holders  at  the  full  value  of  their  cer 
tificates  was  supported  by  Sedgwick,  Ames,  Gerry, 
Sherman,  Boudinot,  Fitzsimmons,  and  others.  Un 
fortunately  some  of  the  coadjutors  of  these  gentle 
men  found  their  influence  diminished  by  suspicions 
of  their  interest  in  the  current  speculation.  Yet  the 
party  was  far  superior  in  ability  to  its  opponents  and 
seemed  at  last  about  to  prevail  in  the  struggle,  when 
suddenly  they  found  themselves  encountered  by  Madi 
son.  For  a  long  while  this  influential  member  had 
held  his  peace  upon  this  vexed  question,  and  finally 
came  to  the  rescue  only  when  the  party  with  which 
he  had  silently  sympathized  seemed  to  be  upon  the 
verge  of  final  defeat.  He  then  presented  a  novel 
proposition  and  also,  strange  to  say  considering  its 
source,  one  of  questionable  constitutionality.  The 
legal  claims  of  the  assignees  he  admitted.  The  equi 
table  claim  of  the  original  assignors  seemed  to  him 
not  less  entitled  to  consideration.  It  would  be  agree 
able  to  pay  the  former  in  full,  and  to  recoup  to  the 
latter  their  unmerited  losses.  This  project,  however, 
was  beyond  the  scope  of  the  national  resources.  By 
way  of  compromise,  therefore,  he  proposed  that  hold 
ers  by  transfer  should  receive  the  highest  market 
price  yet  reached  by  the  certificates,  at  which  figure 
they  would  realize  a  large  and  in  many  cases  an 
enormous  profit,  and  that  the  balance  of  the  sum  due, 
being  possibly  a  little  more  than  one  half,  should  be 
distributed  to  the  original  creditors. 

VOL.    I.  21 


322  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

Evidently  Madison  had  fallen  into  a  blunder.  In 
admitting  the  legal  claim  of  the  assignees  he  had  ad 
mitted  away  his  whole  case.  Yet  this  is  not  alto 
gether  surprising.  Amid  all  his  superb  powers  of 
constitutional  analysis  and  statesmanship,  there  is 
discoverable  no  indication  of  the  presence  of  the 
business  faculty.  The  more  abstract  was  the  char 
acter  of  a  question  the  more  easily  did  he  handle  it, 
and  however  cleverly  and  beautifully  he  might  dis 
cuss  finance  in  some  of  its  theoretical  aspects  he 
could  never  master  its  practical  developments.  As 
a  professor  he  might  have  lectured  charmingly  upon 
financial  topics ;  in  a  mercantile  career  he  would 
probably  have  been  overmatched  by  men  whose  minds 
compared  with  his  would  have  seemed  muddy  pools 
beside  the  translucent  ocean.  The  questions  pre 
sented  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  involved 
precisely  enough  of  the  business  element,  of  the  hard 
rigid  rules  of  debtor  and  creditor  law,  of  financial 
policy  and  the  considerations  which  influence  the 
minds  of  money-lenders,  to  render  it  difficult  for  Mr. 
Madison  to  appreciate  justly  the  arguments  which 
opposed  his  own  views.  His  proposition  was  imprac 
tical  almost  to  the  point  of  absurdity  ;  and  finally  re 
ceived  only  thirteen  votes.  These  were  cast  chiefly 
by  the  planters,  not  more  trained  than  he  was  by  a 
business  experience  to  form  a  correct  judgment  in 
such  matters.  Thirty-six  votes  upon  the  opposite 
side  included  all  the  merchants  and  lawyers  in  the 
House. 

It  would  be  tedious  to  rehearse  the  rest  of  the  de 
bate.  The  advocates  of  the  secretary's  plan  devel 
oped  his  arguments,  but  added  no  new  ones  of  equal 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  323 

weight.  The  grounds  of  opposition  have  been  suffi 
ciently  pointed  out,  and  we  may  pass  at  once  to  the 
next  question ;  that  of  the  assumption  of  State  debts. 
This  aroused  not  less  angry  feeling  than  had  its  pre 
decessor.  It  was  suggested  as  a  purely  voluntary 
undertaking  based  upon  the  ground  of  wise  policy 
and  broad,  liberal  justice.  Hamilton  had  put  the 
matter  very  fairly  and  frankly  in  his  report.  He  had 
openly  acknowledged  that  in  his  opinion  it  would  be 
well  to  have  the  whole  large  class  of  public  creditors 
look  to  one  paymaster  instead  of  finding  themselves 
divided  between  many.  A  valuable  unity  of  interest, 
resulting  in  a  friendly  support  of  the  national  govern 
ment,  would  thus  be  cherished.  On  the  other  hand 
this  same  consideration  led  the  party  which  dreaded 
a  centralized  government  to  a  precisely  opposite  con 
clusion.  Mr.  Stone  of  Maryland  put  the  anti-federal 
case  very  strongly.  Of  all  the  bands  of  political  con 
nection  he  conceived  none  to  be  stronger  than  that 
formed  by  a  uniform,  compact,  and  efficacious  system 
of  revenue.  "'  A  greater  thought  than  this  of  assump 
tion  had  never,"  he  said,  "  been  devised  by  man ; " 
and  he  predicted  that  if  adopted  and  carried  into  exe 
cution  it  would  "  prove  to  the  Federal  government 
a  wall  of  adamant,  impregnable  to  any  attempt  on 
its  fabric  or  operations." 

Great  as  was  the  power  indirectly  to  be  conferred 
upon  the  national  government  by  this  measure,  its  di 
mensions  were  of  course  greatly  exaggerated.  The 
pajonent  of  all  the  debts  of  the  country,  it  was  said, 
involved  the  receipt  of  all  the  revenue  of  the  country, 
and  taking  the  whole  revenue  signified  having  the 
whole  power.  "  Hence,"  concluded  Stone,  "  I  am  led 


324  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

to  believe  that  if  the  whole  revenue  of  the  several 
States  is  taken  into  the  power  of  Congress,  it  will 
prove  a  band  to  draw  us  so  close  together  as  not  to 
leave  the  smallest  interstice  of  separation."  The 
statement  was  of  course  erroneous,  for  it  was  far 
from  being  the  case  that  the  "  whole  revenue  of  the 
several  States  "  was  to  be  "  taken  into  the  power  of 
Congress."  No  such  grasping  was  anticipated  ;  none 
such  has  ever  been  undertaken,  or  is  legally  possible. 

In  the  course  of  debate  nearly  every  assertion 
made  by  the  secretary  was  controverted.  But  the 
argument  which  was  really  the  strongest  went  to  the 
point  of  constitutionality.  Stone  put  it  very  well, 
saying  that  "  State  debts  and  debts  of  the  United 
States  were  hardly  convertible  terms."  Could  it  be 
admitted  that  Congress  might  adopt  any  debts  it 
should  think  proper,  and  then,  having  saddled  the 
country  with  alien  obligations,  justifiably  collect  taxes 
to  discharge  them?  The  Constitution  contemplated 
taxation  only  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  national 
indebtedness.  The  only  answer  was  that  Congress 
had  the  constitutional  right  to  provide  for  the  general 
welfare,  and  solely  upon  this  ground  could  the  friends 
of  this  measure  pretend  to  sustain  it.  But  then  the 
purport  and  effect  of  this  clause  was  one  of  the  grand 
questions  in  dispute  between  the  Federalists  and  the 
anti-federalists.  The  former  thought  it  signified  a 
great  deal;  the  latter  thought  it  was  meaningless 
verbiage. 

Warmth  enough  would  have  been  elicited  in  the 
debate  had  it  been  confined  to  the  character  of  a 
purely  political  discussion.  For  it  was  the  first  great 
battle  between  the  opposing  parties.  Victory  in  a 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  325 

test  encounter  meant  very  much.  The  opponents  of 
government  could  hardly  expect  a  contest  to  arise 
more  important,  affording  to  them  more  plausible  ar 
guments,  or  enlisting  in  their  behalf  more  numerous 
local  prejudices.  The  prestige  which  success  would 
confer  would  be  of  immense  value;  nor  did  success 
seem  improbable.  Only  one  consideration  interfered 
with  the  character  of  the  decision  as  a  fair  trial  of 
strength,  and  that  consideration  was  the  very  dif 
ferent  respective  interests,  and  perhaps  also  rights, 
of  the  States  in  a  strictly  financial  point  of  view. 
As  reflections  of  this  kind  could  hardly  fail  to  bias 
the  minds  of  representatives  of  the  several  debtor 
bodies,  so  they  inevitably  infected  the  discussion 
with  many  personal  and  irritating  encounters.  Com 
parisons  were  inevitable,  and  spread  offence  broadcast. 
The  States  which  had  the  largest  debts  naturally 
sought  to  show  that  this  condition  of  things  had  been 
caused  by  proportionally  greater  exertions  in  the 
Revolution,  and  greater  contributions  to  the  common 
cause  of  liberty ;  for  which  reason  they  urged  that  it 
was  just  that  a  large  indebtedness  should  be  assumed 
as  readily  as  a  small  one,  when  the  country  had 
received  the  full  benefit  and  value  of  the  one  no  less 
than  of  the  other. 

At  once  upon  the  debate  reaching  this  stage,  the 
pseans  chanted  by  one  speaker  in  behalf  of  his  State 
naturally  and  inevitably  led  to  the  singing  of  rival 
paeans  from  some  other  quarter.  It  was  impossible 
that  the  rivalry  of  the  excited  orators  should  not 
soon  assume  an  acrimonious  tone.  Crimination  and 
recrimination  led  to  numerous  displays  of  jealousy 
and  ill  blood.  Massachusetts  with  an  indebtedness 


326  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

of  fully  five  million  dollars,  upon  which  she  had 
striven  zealously  and  successfully  to  pay  the  interest 
by  means  of  an  impost  of  which  she  could  now  no 
longer  avail  herself,  was  strenuous  for  assumption. 
Virginia  had  still  a  large  debt,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  three  and  one  half  millions  ;  but  betwixt  an  almost 
total  repudiation  of  her  paper  money  and  sales  of  her 
Kentucky  lands  she  had  considerably  reduced  the 
much  larger  original  amount.  She  thought  she  had 
done  so  much  more  to  help  herself  than  other  States 
had  done,  that  the  assumption  merely  of  her  present 
balance  would  be  unjust  to  her.  She  led  the  anti- 
assumption  party,  and  in  the  warmth  of  the  debates 
her  representatives  claimed  for  her  that  whereas 
the  debts  of  some  other  States  exceeded  her  debt,  yet 
her  exertions  in  behalf  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Revolutionary  war  had  been  greater  than  those  of 
any  of  her  sisters.  This  was  indignantly  denied ;  and 
so  heated  became  the  controversy  upon  this  side  issue 
that  statistical  information  was  called  for  to  settle 
the  dispute.  This  showed  that  the  Virginian  boasts 
were  unsupported  by  facts.  Massachusetts  alone 
had  furnished  more  men  to  the  Continental  army 
than  the  sum  total  of  all  the  troops  furnished  by  all 
the  States  from  Delaware  southward. 

The  leading  members  of  the  House  were  divided 
upon  this  question  pretty  much  as  they  had  been 
upon  that  of  discrimination.  The  resolution  in  favor 
of  assumption  was  finally  carried  by  a  vote  of  thirty- 
one  to  twenty-six,  after  it  had  occupied  the  time  of 
Congress  for  nearly  three  weeks.  But  the  vote  was 
only  in  committee  of  the  whole,  and  there  was  good 
reason  to  anticipate  its  reversal  in  the  House  proper ; 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  327 

for  the  members  from  North  Carolina  were  on  their 
way  to  take  their  seats,  and  they  were  understood  to 
be  strong  anti-assumptionists.  Indeed,  as  this  State 
had  been  very  reluctant  to  come  into  the  Union  at 
all,  so  after  she  had  decided  to  come  she  for  some 
time  showed  her  spite  and  ill-will  by  every  means 
which  offered,  keeping  herself  continually  in  opposi 
tion  to  all  measures  of  a  national  character,  and  cast 
ing  all  the  obstacles  she  could  in  the  way  of  the 
smooth  and  efficient  running  of  the  government. 
Nearly  three  weeks  later  her  representatives  proved 
these  anticipations  concerning  their  action  to  be 
well-founded.  On  March  29  the  resolutions  of  the 
committee  came  up  for  action.  The  first  and  second, 
making  provisions  respecting  the  foreign  debt  and  for 
paying  in  full  the  principal  of  the  domestic  debt  to 
the  present  holders,  passed  readily  enough  without  a 
division.  The  third  resolution  in  favor  of  the  pay 
ment  of  the  arrears  of  interest  in  like  manner  with 
the  principal  of  the  domestic  debt  also  passed  by  a 
respectable  majority.  But  the  fourth  resolution, 
declaratory  of  the  assumption  of  State  indebtedness, 
was  recommitted  by  a  majority  of  two  votes,  — 
twenty-nine  to  twenty-seven.  The  next  day  the 
friends  of  assumption,  not  wishing  to  see  the  question 
isolated,  succeeded  in  having  the  other  resolutions 
also  recommitted,  declaring  that  the  subject-matter 
of  the  report  ought  not  to  be  divided.  Again  the 
same  hot  and  angry  controversy  raged ;  Virginia, 
under  the  able  leadership  of  Madison,  still  being  in 
the  van  of  the  anti-assumptionists.  Upon  the  other 
side  South  Carolina  and  Massachusetts  were  found 
together.  There  was  some  language  held,  which  was 


328  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

construed  as  a  threat  of  secession  on  the  part  of  the 
eastern  States  in  the  event  of  the  measure  failing ; 
and  failure  seemed  to  be  its  inevitable  destiny.  It 
was  an  odd  circumstance  that  a  measure  justly  ex 
pected  to  strengthen  the  Union,  and  which  ultimately 
had  that  effect,  should  have  first  provoked  the  threat 
of  dissolution.  When  the  question  was  put,  the 
assumptionists  were  again  defeated  by  the  same  ma 
jority  which  had  recommitted  the  resolution  ;  the 
vote  this  time  standing  thirty-one  to  twenty-nine.  In 
one  shape  and  another,  during  the  debate  on  the 
remaining  resolutions,  assumption  was  repeatedly 
brought  forward.  Its  friends  were  indefatigable,  but 
the  hostile  phalanx  could  neither  be  conquered  nor 
circumvented,  and  finally  on  June  2  a  bill  was  passed 
by  the  House  in  which  assumption  of  State  debts  was 
not  provided  for. 

It  is  probable  that  this  all-important  recommenda 
tion  of  the  secretary  would  thus  have  come  to  nought, 
and  a  train  of  serious  disasters  possibly  even  fatal  to 
the  new-born  nation  might  have  ensued,  had  not 
good  fortune  offered  to  Hamilton's  auxiliaries  an 
opportunity  to  traffic  with  some  of  their  adversaries. 
The  happy  solution  of  this  vexed  problem  was 
brought  about  in  manner  following.  A  topic  which 
had  been  longer  in  discussion  than  this  question  of 
assumption,  and  concerning  which  disagreement  had 
been  not  less  bitter,  was  that  of  the  situation  to  be 
chosen  for  the  national  capital.  New  York  held  out 
attractions,  as  did  also  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore, 
at  least  for  temporary  accommodation,  and  the  hold 
which  might  be  acquired  by  temporary  occupation 
was  much  dreaded.  The  chief  rivalry  for  permanent 


FIRST  REPORT   ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  329 

establishment  was  between  a  spot  on  the  Delaware, 
near  Philadelphia,  and  a  site  upon  the  Potomac. 
But  thus  far  the  latter  scheme  had  been  rather  un 
successful  in  obtaining  friends,  though  backed  by  the 
strong  endeavors  of  Virginia  and  Maryland. 

The  timely  thought  now  occurred  to  some  of  the 
leaders  of  the  party  for  assumption  that  by  a  bargain 
they  might  compass  their  much-coveted  end.  The 
idea  was  eagerly  followed  up,  and  resulted  in  a  per 
fect  success.  A  few  gentlemen,  of  whom  Hamilton 
was  one,  met  to  dine  and  discuss  the  project.  The 
result  was  an  agreement  that  White  and  Lee  of  Vir 
ginia  should  change  their  votes  upon  the  resolution 
in  favor  of  assumption,  and  that  Hamilton  and  Robert 
Morris  should  use  their  influence,  which  was  abun 
dant,  among  the  northern  and  eastern  members  to 
bring  enough  votes  from  them  to  secure  the  choice 
of  a  site  upon  the  Potomac  for  the  permanent  seat  of 
the  national  government,  after  a  preliminary  stay  at 
Philadelphia  for  the  next  ten  years. 

The  plan  which  was  rough  hewn  at  this  little  din 
ner  party  was  in  good  time  carried  to  a  successful 
termination.  But  so  long  as  it  remained  a  secret 
no  little  asperity  and  obstinacy  marked  the  renewal 
of  the  debates  upon  assumption  in  the  House.  Nor 
did  this  wholly  disappear  when  by  degrees  a  better 
intelligence  dawned  upon  the  members.  The  as 
sumption  accomplished  by  this  means  was  not  made 
in  quite  the  fulness  advised  by  the  secretary  in  his 
report.  Some  concessions  were  submitted  to,  not 
very  considerable,  but  such  as  to  make  the  project 
more  acceptable  both  in  substance  and  in  shape. 
The  sum  of  the  State  indebtedness  had  been  esti- 


330  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

mated  by  Hamilton  at  twenty-five  million  dollars. 
The  amount  of  State  indebtedness  assumed  by  the 
United  States  was  twenty-one  and  one-half  million 
dollars,  and  this  was  apportioned  among  the  States 
in  certain  specific  sums  respectively.  There  were 
disputes  and  delays  as  to  many  points  of  detail,  and 
some  of  the  most  earnest  opponents  would  not  give 
over  discussion  though  convinced  of  the  hopelessness 
of  the  contest.  The  bill  was,  however,  finally  passed 
in  substantially  satisfactory  form  by  both  the  Senate 
and  the  House. 

The  hostilities  engendered  in  this  debate  survived 
the  enactment  of  the  statute ;  and  the  measure,  of 
which  the  fate  had  been  so  astutely  determined,  long 
continued  to  be  the  subject  of  acrimonious  contro 
versy.  Feeling  had  been  too  deeply  stirred  to  sub 
side  readily.  The  party  lines  had  been  for  the  first 
time  very  sharply  drawn ;  and  they  had  divided  the 
members  not  unevenly.  The  fight  had  therefore  been 
an  exceedingly  hard  one ;  nor  could  the  party  which, 
having  in  the  earlier  stages  actually  grasped  success, 
afterward  found  itself  obliged  at  the  last  moment  to 
submit  to  have  its  prize  wrested  from  its  hands  ever 
be  persuaded  that  the  ultimate  triumph  of  its  oppo 
nents  had  not  been  won  by  inexcusable  chicanery. 
Indeed,  the  members  of  Congress  who  favored  as 
sumption  had  felt  that  by  the  turn  which  the  debate 
took  the  whole  fundamental  principle  upon  which 
the  government  was  to  be  conducted  had  come  to 
be  at  stake.  Was  it  to  be  a  strong,  consolidated, 
centralized  government,  or  was  it  not?  Was  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  to  be  the  birth  of  a 
nation,  or  the  creation  of  a  nerveless  and  short-lived 


FIRST  REPORT  ON  PUBLIC   CREDIT.  331 

spectre  of  nationality?  Such  seemed  to  them,  and 
such  doubtless  really  was,  the  issue  made  up  between 
them  and  their  opponents.  The  single  contest  might 
not  be  for  ever  decisive,  but  its  extreme  importance 
could  not  be  disguised.  Not  less  vigorously  than 
they  had  struggled  to  secure  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution,  did  they  now  rally  to  this  battle  in 
behalf  of  the  government  organized  under  that  in 
strument.  With  much  zeal  and  obstinate  resolution 
did  they  labor ;  and  they  at  last  conquered  success 
simply  because  they  would  rest  with  nothing  else. 

Time  brought  their  vindication;  for  it  was  soon 
generally  acknowledged  that  the  people  felt  the 
whole  combined  taxation  to  which  they  were  sub 
jected,  and  which  was  promptly  and  fully  met,  very 
much  less  than  they  had  previously  felt  the  State 
taxation  alone  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  had  often 
evaded  it.  It  was  charged  afterward  that  the  aggre 
gate  of  the  State  indebtedness  was  less  by  ten  million 
dollars  than  the  sum  adopted.  If  this  calculation 
was  true,  for  which  however  there  is  no  trustworthy 
authority,  the  burden  of  the  blunder  rests  with  Con 
gress,  which  insisted  upon  making  a  final  definite 
arrangement  at  once,  and  cannot  be  shifted  upon 
Hamilton  who  proposed  an  assumption  subject  to 
subsequent  investigation  and  adjustment. 

Hamilton  had  a  grand  triumph ;  and  looking  back 
from  this  period  in  the  history  of  the  country  upon 
the  developments  which  succeeded  that  triumph  it 
must  appear  both  fortunate  and  deserved.  But  vehe 
ment  abuse  was  showered  upon  him  at  the  time  by 
the  opposition.  The  large  and  powerful  party  which 
had  opposed  the  Constitution  now  vented  their  wrath 


332  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

against  the  most  important  and  vital  measure  of  the 
first  administration  coming  into  power  under  that 
Constitution.  Many  temptations  induced  them  to 
adopt  this  policy.  The  success  of  Hamilton's  scheme 
would  so  far  strengthen  the  government,  would  exert 
such  a  consolidating  influence,  would  rally  so  united 
a  body  of  able  and  interested  supporters,  that  the 
possibility  of  the  failure  of  the  great  political  ex 
periment  must  now  be  very  greatly  reduced.  On 
the  other  hand  the  rejection  of  any  important  part 
of  the  secretary's  plan  would  have  left  such  elements 
of  discord  in  operation,  and  would  have  made  the 
government  apparently  so  feebly  beneficial  in  restor 
ing  harmony,  prosperity,  and  credit,  that  the  most 
gratifying  results  in  the  way  of  discontent  and  dis 
aster  might  have  been  anticipated.  The  funding 
of  the  national  indebtedness  was  not  an  easy  sub 
ject  of  criticism,  yet  it  did  not  wholly  escape.  The 
weight  of  censure,  however,  was  reserved  for  the 
assumption  of  State  debts  ;  and  for  his  advice  in  this 
respect  the  secretary  was  overwhelmed  with  the  in 
vectives  of  the  anti-federalists.  The  opposition  was 
partisan  in  its  character,  and  the  old  lines  which  had 
divided  the  people  upon  the  question  of  adopting  the 
Constitution  were  pretty  well  preserved.  Only  a  very 
few  prominent  individuals  changed  sides  upon  this 
new  issue.  Gerry,  for  example,  distinguished  him 
self  as  a  strong  advocate  of  assumption.  Whereas 
Madison,  as  has  been  seen,  hitherto  a  federal  leader, 
was  now  found  in  the  opposite  ranks ;  and  there  for 
the  most  part  remained  for  the  future,  until  he 
became  an  acknowledged  chief  of  the  Democratic 
party. 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  333 


CHAPTER  IX. 

\ 

THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK. 

AN  important  portion  of  Hamilton's  general  scheme 
for  restoring  the  finances  of  the  country,  both  public 
and  private,  to  a  sound  and  wholesome  condition  was 
the  establishment  of  a  National  Bank.  It  has  already 
appeared  as  a  favorite  project  with  him  many  years 
before  he  was  himself  in  a  position  to  carry  it  into 
effect.  He  now  presented  a  very  elaborate  argument 
in  favor  of  the  measure.  The  merits  or  demerits  of  a 
National  Bank  at  any  other  period  in  the  history  of 
the  country  save  that  now  under  consideration  can 
not  properly  be  discussed  here,  nor  is  it  necessary  to 
take  sides  either  with  Andrew  Jackson  or  with  Nich 
olas  Biddle.  The  question  which  Hamilton  had  to 
consider  was  the  probable  usefulness  of  such  an  insti 
tution  amid  the  anomalous  exigencies  of  the  time  at 
which  he  urged  it.  That  it  was  an  excellent,  even^- 
an  indispensable,  resource  in  those  days  of  peculiar 
difficulties  may  be  admitted  by  financiers  and  states 
men  who  are  yet  firmly  of  opinion,  that  in  later  days 
and  when  those  peculiar  difficulties  had  vanished  the 
destruction  of  so  powerful  an  organization  was  a 
fortunate  event. 


334  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

It  is  not  easy  for  this  generation  to  appreciate  the 
condition  of  the  country,  and  the  customs,  needs,  and 
appliances  of  business  in  1790.  In  a  certain  sense 
the  cardinal  principles  of  the  modern  theory  of  credit, 
of  exchange,  and  of  the  banking  business  as  connected 
therewith  were  then  comprehended,  and  were  in 
operation.  But  the  operation  was  by  110  means  so 
smooth  and  easy  as  in  modern  times.  The  physical 
obstacles  presented  by  vast  distances  and  slow  uncer 
tain  transit  were  aided  by  many  other  impeding  cir 
cumstances.  For  example,  there  were  among  all  the 
States  only  three  banks.  Of  these  the  oldest  and 
largest  was  the  Bank  of  North  America,  originally 
established  by  Congress  at  the  request  of  Robert 
Morris  toward  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  and  hav 
ing  now  a  capital  of  two  millions.  It  was  situated  in 
Philadelphia.  Its  nearest  neighbor  was  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  and  the  third  and  only  other  bank  was 
in  Boston. 

All  these  three  were  in  their  present  organization 
strictly  State  institutions,  established  under  charters 
issued  by  State  legislatures,  and  in  no  respect  amena 
ble  to  the  national  government,  which  could  have  no 
greater  facilities  than  any  other  customer  for  knowing 
their  condition  or  obtaining  advantage  from  their 
resources.  It  must  deal  with  them  as  a  depositor 
from  sheer  necessity,  but  it  could  not  properly  receive 
their  bills  in  payment  of  dues,  nor  did  it  seem  proper 
to  tender  payment  to  the  people  in  a  currency  which 
would  not  be  taken  from  them  again.  Government 
dealings  consequently  had  to  be  made  exclusively  in 
gold  and  silver  coin.  Nor  was  the  country  itself  in  a 
comfortable  condition  in  this  respect.  The  people 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  335 

were  actually  suffering  severely  from  a  dearth  of  cur 
rency,  insomuch  so  that  even  the  primitive  custom 
of  bartering  goods  had  been  resorted  to  in  frequent 
instances.  The  current  of  trade  naturally  tended  to 
drain  the  precious  metals  away  from  a  young  country 
as  yet  having  few  manufactures.  The  supply  was 
really  chiefly  sustained  by  the  capital  brought  by 
immigrants,  or  invested  in  this  country  by  foreigners, 
or  borrowed  by  our  merchants  from  lenders  abroad. 
But  an  immigrant  was  more  likely  to  have  his  fortune 
to  make  than  to  bring  a  fortune  with  him ;  foreigners 
invested  little  in  a  country  where  every  thing  was 
new  and  problematical,  and  borrowing  was  plainly  a 
very  dangerous  resource. 

All  sorts  of  shifts  had  been  resorted  to  in  times 
past  to  furnish  a  substitute  for  coin.  Paper  money 
had  been  issued  by  the  several  States,  but  this  was 
no  longer  possible  by  reason  of  the  prohibition  so 
wisely  written  in  the  Constitution.  The  national 
government  had  issued  paper  money,  but  the  event  of 
that  experiment  had  been  so  melancholy  and  was  so 
fresh  in  the  minds  of  all,  that  its  repetition  was  no 
more  to  be  looked  for  than  it  was  to  be  desired. 
Hamilton  took  strong  ground  against  any  such  blun 
dering  road  out  of  the  surrounding  emergencies.  A 
direct  prohibition,  he  said,  had  been  well  imposed 
upon  the  individual  States ;  and  "  the  spirit  of  that 
prohibition  ought  not  to  be  disregarded  by  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States."  "Paper  emissions 
.  .  .  are  of  a  nature  so  liable  to  abuse,  ...  so  cer 
tain  of  being  abused,  that  the  wisdom  of  the  gov 
ernment  will  be  shown  in  never  trusting  itself  with 
the  use  of  so  seducing  and  dangerous  an  expedient." 


336  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Even  if  not  "  rendered  an  absolute  bubble,"  such  a 
currency  would  inevitably  produce  "  an  inflated  and 
artificial  state  of  things,  incompatible  with  the  reg 
ular  and  prosperous  course  of  the  political  economy." 
The  truth  of  these  remarks  has  been  thoroughly 
proved  since  that  day. 

i{  Among  other  material  differences  between  a  paper 
currency  issued  by  the  mere  authority  of  government 
and  one  issued  by  a  bank  payable  in  coin',  Hamilton 
pointed  out,  "that  in  the  first  case  there  is  no 
standard  to  which  an  appeal  can  be  made  as  to  the 
quantity  which  will  only  satisfy,  or  which  will  sur 
charge  the  circulation ;  in  the.  last  that  standard 
results  from  the  demand."  If  the  bank  thrusts  upon 
the  community  more  paper  than  the  community 
wants,  it  will  find  that  paper  forthwith  returned  to  it 
for  redemption.  The  bank's  emissions  must  always 
be  in  a  compound  ratio  to  the  fund  and  the  demand, 
whence  results  a  limitation  from  the  very  nature  of 
the  thing ;  whereas  the  government's  own  discretion 
is  the  only  limitation  to  its  own  emissions. 

The  possibility  of  supplying  an  abundant,  trust 
worthy  currency  both  to  the  government  and  to  indi 
viduals  would  be  the  benefit  most  sensibly  felt  by  the 
people  at  large.  But  the  artificial  capital,  in  the 
shape  of  mercantile  credit,  which  could  be  furnished 
to .  merchants  and  traders  would  prove  indirectly  of 
not  less  advantage  to  the  whole  community.  The 
country  having  at  last  emerged  from  the  long,  ex 
hausting  war,  and  the  almost  equally  trying  period  of 
political  embarrassment,  was  now  in  a  condition  rap 
idly  to  extend  its  industries  and  to  enter  upon  new 
and  extensive  enterprises.  To  the  bringing  more 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  337 

territory  under  cultivation,  to  introducing  manufact 
ures,  and  to  the  development  of  all  the  natural 
resources  of  the  land,  capital  alone  appeared  now  to 
be  wanting.  What  quick  capital  there  was  among 
the  people  had  been  almost  wholly  drawn  into  com 
merce  and  shipping.  Yet  even  for  these  purposes 
there  was  not  nearly  enough.  In  truth  there  had 
been  neither  time  nor  opportunity  for  accumulations, 
and  some  artificial  sources  of  supply  were  indispen 
sable. 

<^What  should  be  the  nature  of  the  connection  between 
the  bank  and  the  government  was  a  question  of  equal 
delicacy  and  importance  JThe  public  confidence,  which 
was  indispensable  to  success,  Hamilton  believed  could 
be  acquired  only  by  making  the  institution  private  in 
its  character.  It  must  be  directed  by  individuals,  and 
subject  to  the  guidance  of  individual  interest,  not  of 
public  policy;  \  Sooner  or  later  a  weak  or  a  sanguine 
government  would  surely  abuse  the  power  of  control 
and  subordinate  the  interests  of  the  bank  to  the  real 
or  supposed  necessity  of  the  administration.  The 
dread  of  such  a  state  of  affairs,  the  suspicion,  even 
unjust,  of  its  presence  in  ever  so  small  a  degree,  would 
sbe  destructive  of  the  good  fame  of  the  institution  and 
therefore  ultimately  of  the  institution  itself.  "  The 
keen,  steady,  and  as  it  were  magnetic  sense  of  their 
own  interest  as  proprietors,  in  the  directors  of  a  bank, 
pointing  invariably  to  its  true  pole  —  the  prosperity  of 
the  institution  — is  the  only  security  that  can  always  be 
relied  upon  for  a  careful  and  prudent  administration. 
It  is  therefore  the  only  basis  on  which  an  enlightened* 
unqualified,  and  permanent  confidence  can  be  expected 
to  be  erected  and  maintained."  Thus  decidedly  did 
VOL.  i.  22 


338  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Hamilton  express  his  sense  of  the  absolute  necessity 
of  keeping  the  bank  free  from  the  influence  and  com 
plications  of  politics,  —  the  one  danger  which  served 
more  effectually  than  any  other  to  popularize  the  op 
position  to  the  existence  of  a  national  bank  in  later 
times. 

So  far  as  giving  aid  to  the  government  in  the  day 
of  its  need  was  concerned,  the  secretary  conceived 
that  no  good  government  would  fail  to  receive  all  the 
aid  that  it  could  reasonably  demand.  The  natural 
weight  and  influence  of  a  respected  administration 
with  a  class  of  men  such  as  the  directors  must  surely 
be  would  be  very  powerful.  The  bank  would  be 
obliged  from  time  to  time  to  ask  from  the  government 
a  renewal  of  its  charter,  and  would  naturally  seek  to 
cherish  friendly  feelings  in  a  quarter  whence  it  had 
to  look  for  the  vital  favor  of  a  continued  existence. 
The  interest  of  the  bank  also  would  militate  in  the 
same  direction,  for  the  government  in  the  use  and 
disposition  of  its  funds  could  generously  reciprocate 
obligations. 

Nor  need  the  State  be  refused  all  share  in  the  prof 
its  of  the  business.  It  might  properly  be  admitted  as 
a  shareholder  to  a  certain  extent,  though  not  as  the 
owner  of  a  principal  part  of  the  stock.  It  should  also 
enjoy  the  very  important  privilege  of  a  right  of  ascer 
taining  at  frequent  intervals  the  financial  condition  of 
the  bank,  not  coupled  with  any  power  of  control,  or 
with  any  right  to  examine  the  accounts  of  individual 
customers  and  depositors.  But  it  should  have  the 
right  to  inform  itself  with  certainty  concerning  the 
standing  of  an  institution  involving  national  interests 
of  such  magnitude.  This  power  of  examination  must 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  339 

also  redound  to  the  benefit  of  the  bank,  by  strengthen 
ing  public  confidence  in  it. 

Hamilton  submitted  a  plan  for  the  charter,  embody 
ing  the  foregoing  principles.  The  capital  stock  was 
set  at  ten  million  dollars,  divided  into  twenty-five 
thousand  shares  of  $400  each.  The  subscriptions  were 
receivable  one  quarter  in  gold  and  silver  coin,  three 
quarters  in  the  six  per  cent  certificates  of  the  national 
debt.  This  latter  provision  was  founded  upon  English 
precedents,  and  a  feature  not  altogether  unlike  it  is 
preserved  in  the  present  national  banking  system  in 
the  obligation  upon  the  bank  to  secure  their  circula 
tion  by  a  deposit  of  government  bonds.  In  1790  the 
actual  want  of  money  would  have  rendered  it  impos 
sible  to  pay  the  subscriptions  in  cash, 
y^fhe  United  States  were  entitled  to  subscribe  for  two 
million  dollars  of  stock,  and  simultaneously  to  require 
from  the  bank  a  loan  of  the  same  amount,  payable  in 
ten  equal  annual  instalments.  It  was  also  provided 
that  no  similar  institution  should  be  established  by  any 
act  of  the  United  States  during  the  continuance  of 
the  one  hereby  proposed  to  be  chartered. 
i  A  bill  in  almost  precise  conformity  with  that  sub 
mitted  by  Hamilton  passed  the  Senate  very  easily. 
But  when  it  came  into  the  House  it  encountered  a 
vigorous  opposition.  Anti-federalists  saw  in  it  a 
dangerous  extension  of  the  dreaded  secretary's  perni 
cious  schemes  for  strengthening  and  perpetuating  the 
government.  It  was  a  fitting  supplement  to  the  odious 
measures  of  funding  and  assumption.  The  cry  was 
that  the  moneyed  interests  were  to  be  concentrated 
and  brought  into  intimate  connection  with  the  na 
tional  government.  The  administration  was  to  be 


340  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

placed  in  such  a  relation  towards  the  capitalists  and 
the  mercantile  community  as  to  be  sure  of  their  united 
and  zealous  support.  Something  in  the  nature  of  a 
politico-financial  conspiracy  was  charged.  The  cry 
was  that  land-owners  and  farmers  were  to  be  made 
the  helpless  victims  of  the  public  creditors  and  fund- 
holders  ;  that  agriculture  and  production  were  to  be 
sacrificed,  while  trade  and  commerce  were  to  be 
pushed  into  the  ascendant.  A  new  and  powerful 
organization  having  its  seat  in  the  North  and  East 
was  to  reduce  to  insignificance  and  helplessness  the 
Centre  and  the  South.  Comparisons  were  instituted, 
and  while  it  was  asserted  that  Hamilton  was  a  known 
admirer  of  the  British  polity  and  constitution,  it  was 
shown  that  the  funding  scheme  and  the  national 
bank  were  but  the  reproduction  of  British  measures. 
He  was  charged  with  insidiously  working  a  fatal  as 
similation  of  the  American  government  to  that  of 
Great  Britain.  As  an  appeal  to  prejudice  such  as 
severations,  violently  made  and  often  repeated,  were 
not  altogether  devoid  of  effect.  But  when  it  became 
necessary  to  point  out  the  intrinsic  defects  in  the  pro 
posed  schemes,  the  serious  difficulty  was  encountered 
of  impugning  a  financial  system  which  up  to  that 
day  had  had  no  rival  in  the  world  in  the  success  of 
its  operation.  Hamilton's  opponents  likened  him  to 
Montague,  that  "  most  daring  and  inventive  of  finan 
ciers/ '/as  if  they  had  been  likening  him  to  some  arch- 
fiend^m  politics  and  finance ;  but  when  they  aban 
doned  invective  and  stood  upon  arguments  they  did 
not  make  much  out  of  their  British  comparisons. 
Madison's  argument  against  the  constitutionality  of 
the  measure  was  more  formidable ;  but  even  that 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.         .          341 

could  not  prevail.  The  bill  was  carried  by  a  vote  of 
nearly  two  to  one,  —  thirty-nine  to  twenty.  The 
division  was  geographical ;  and  the  bulk  of  the  op 
position  came  from  the  planting  States,  the  delega 
tions  from  Virginia  and  Georgia  being  unanimous  in 
the  negative.  The  northern  and  eastern  States,  where 
chiefly  the  benefits  of  the  corporation  would  be  felt, 
were  equally  combined  in  support  of  the  measure. 

Following  so  rapidly  in  the  wake  of  the  preceding 
Federal  successes,  this  triumph  caused  a  great  acces 
sion  of  dismay  and  ill-temper  among  their  adversa 
ries.  The  characteristics  of  the  new  government 
were  being  established  very  rapidly,  and  as  they  were 
established  so  there  was  too  much  likelihood  that  they 
would  remain,  since  the  tendency  of  power  is  ever  to 
perpetuate  and  increase  itself.  Federal  principles, 
said  the  anti-federalists  with  groans  and  protestations, 
were  being  riveted  upon  the  people  like  shackles, 
which  would  soon  render  even  struggling  an  impos 
sibility.  ^For  a  time  some  hope  was  reposed  by  these 
alarmists  in  the  president.  He  was  known  to  enter 
tain  much  doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of  signing  the 
bill.  The  argument  against  its  constitutionality  had 
made  much  impression  upon  him,  and  he  was  seeking 
all  the  aid  within  his  reach  to  assist  him  in  coming  to 
a  determination.  The  attorney-general,  Randolph, 
promptly  furnished  his  written  opinion  to  the  effect 
that  the  bill  was  unconstitutional.  Jefferson  speedily 
followed  with  his  written  opinion  to  the  same  pur 
port.  Washington  placed  both  these  documents  in 
the  hands  of  Hamilton  to  enable  him  to  refute  them, 
provided  they  were  capable  of  refutation.  \Mean- 
time  it  seems  that  the  president  had  privately  con- 


342  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

suited  Madison,  and  requested  a  written  statement  of 
the  legal  objections  to  the  bill  for  his  use  in  case  he 
should  conclude  that  his  duty  was  to  veto  it.  Ham 
ilton  was  hard  pushed  with  other  matters,  but  amid 
the  press  of  business  which  the  close  of  the  session 
imposed  upon  him  he  found  time  to  present  to  the 
president  a  written  exposition  of  his  views  of  the 
law  so  convincing,  that  Madison's  rough  draft  of  a 
veto  was  not  used^jlt  might  have  been  used  after 
ward  by  Madison  himself,  who  was  president  when 
the  second  National  Bank  was  chartered,  and  who  did 
not  veto  but  signed  the  act  of  incorporation.^"* 

The  opinion  furnished  by  Hamilton  to  the  presi 
dent  has  always  been  admitted  to  be  a  singularly 
able  paper.  Afterward,  when  the  famous  cause  of 
McCulloch  v.  Maryland,1  raised  the  question  in  the 
Supreme  Court,  Chief  Justice  Marshall  in  an  opin 
ion  acknowledged  to  be  one  of  the  finest  ever 
delivered  by  him  added  no  new  argument  to  those 
contained  in  this  document.  Indeed  there  was  noth 
ing  new  for  him  to  add ;  there  were  small  gleanings 
to  be  gathered  from  a  field  wherein  Hamilton  and 
Madison  had  been  reaping  in  rivalry.  No  juridical 
argument  —  said  Horace  Binney,  the  distinguished 
lawyer  of  Philadelphia  —  ever  has  shaken  or  ever  will 
shake  this  argument  in  favor  of  the  bank.  To  abbre 
viate  Hamilton's  opinion  is  to  do  it  such  injustice  that 
the  task  should  not  be  attempted.  It  established  the 
grand  principle  that  the  government  must  be  allowed 
to  derive  substantial  powers  from  just  and  liberal 
implication,  and  that  a  useful,  proper,  and  usual 
means  of  performing  any  end  might  be  lawfully 
i  4  Wheaton,  316. 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  343 

resorted  to  by  the  government,  when  that  end  was 
among  the  functions  for  the  performance  of  which 
that  government  was  created.  This  was  the  funda 
mental  doctrine  of  Federalism. 

^JThe  president  kept  the  bill  under  consideration 
until  the  last  moment  at  which  he  was  advised  by 
Hamilton  that  it  could  be  kept  and  not  become  a  law 
without  his  signature.  Then  he  returned  it  signed. 
While  his  decision  had  remained  in  doubt,  some  of 
the  more  eager  advocates  of  the  bill  in  Congress  had 
kept  a  close  and  minute  scrutiny  upon  the  lapsing 
hours,  and  asserted  that  the  ten  days  had  gone  by, 
and  the  bill  had  become  law  beyond  the  reach  of  a 
veto.  So  unfortunate  a  controversy  was  happily 
avoided  by  the  announcement  of  the  signing  just 
after  the  declaration  concerning  the  time  was  begin 
ning  to  be  whispered  among  the  interested  partisans^ 
The  further  history  of  this  topic  is  not  without  a 
moral  appropriate  at  this  point.  When  by  lapse  of 
time  the  charter  of  the  first  bank  expired  in  1811, 
the  bill  for  its  renewal  was  lost  in  the  Senate  by  the 
casting  vote  of  that  invincible  veteran  of  anti-feder 
alism,  George  Clinton,  then  vice-president.  Some 
three  years  later,  under  the  financial  pressure  caused 
by  the  second  war  with  Great  Britain,  a  charter  for  a 
new  bank  was  passed  by  very  large  majorities  in 
Congress,  though  the  anti-federalists  were  omnipotent 
in  the  government.  Madison  then  vetoed  the  bill,  and 
in  his  message  actually  named  as  an  objection  to  the 
provisions  of  the  law  that  it  compelled  the  redemption 
of  the  bills  to  be  made  in  specie  upon  demand  ! 
Naturally  it  proved  impossible  to  remain  long  en 
trenched  in  such  a  position  as  this,  and  Madison  soon 


344  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

found  himself  obliged  to  sign  a  charter  containing  this 
obnoxious  provision  against  an  irredeemable  bank- 
paper  currency.  But  if  Madison  was  no  financier, 
certainly  Gallatin  was.  His  reputation  has  not  sur 
vived  in  the  comparative  lustre  to  which  it  was  enti 
tled  ;  but  it  was  well  known  in  his  generation  that 
among  the  anti-federal  leaders  he  was  in  financial 
wisdom  at  least  without  peer.  In  good  time  he 
bravely  conquered  his  prejudice  against  a  National 
Bank,  and  while  filling  the  office  of  secretary  of 
the  treasury  he  stated  its  great  usefulness  even  more 
strongly  than  ever  Hamilton  had  done.  Moreover, 
if  the  Federal  creature  had  been  pregnant  with 
hazards  to  the  commonwealth,  the  anti-federals,  when 
their  turn  came,  spared  no  pains  to  make  their  own 
monster  more  dangerous  by  far.  They  increased  the 
capital  upon  a  scale  much  more  than  commensurate 
with  the  increase  of  the  business  of  the  country,  and 
they  allowed  the  payment  of  three-fourths  of  the 
stock-subscription  to  be  made  according  to  the  much- 
maligned  scheme  of  Hamilton,  in  certificates  of  the 
public  debt.  One-fifth  of  the  whole  body  of  direct 
ors,  including  the  president,  were  to  be  appointed  by 
the  president  of  the  United  States  ;  and  under  author 
ity  of  government  specie  payment  might  be  sus 
pended  !  Such  were  their  propositions,  and  it  required 
the  most  strenuous  efforts  of  the  Federalists,  then  a 
minority  in  opposition,  to  keep  out  these  last  dan 
gerous  provisions.  Hamilton  was  no  longer  alive  to 
witness  this  very  ample  vindication  furnished  to  one 
of  his  greatest  measures,  by  the  same  party  and  by 
many  of  the  same  men  from  whom  the  strongest 
opposition  to  his  project  had  proceeded. 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  345 

The  sincerity  of  the  anti-federalists  in  advancing 
so  strenuously  the  objection  of  unconstitutionality  is 
not  altogether  beyond  a  question.  A  noteworthy 
member  of  their  party  —  no  other  indeed  than  James 
Monroe,  afterward  President  of  the  United  States  — 
distinguished  himself  by  his  opposition  in  the  Senate 
to  the  charter  of  the  first  bank  ;  and  afterward,  when 
his  own  party  was  in  power,  he  distinguished  himself 
no  less  by  advocating  the  establishment  of  the  second 
bank.  If  his  conduct  was  double-faced,  his  explana 
tion  at  least  was  frank  enough:  "  As  to  the  constitu 
tional  objection,"  he  said,  "  it  formed  no  serious  ob 
stacle.  In  voting  against  the  bank  in  the  first  instance, 
I  was  governed  essentially  by  policy.  The  construc 
tion  I  gave  to  the  Constitution  I  considered  a  strict 
one.  In  the  latter  instance  it  was  more  liberal,  but, 
according  to  my  judgment,  justified  by  its  powers." 

Great  was  the  competition  upon  the  day  when 
the  subscription-book  for  shares  was  opened  under 
the  superintendence  of  commissioners  appointed  by  the 
president.  Not  only  was  all  the  stock  immediately 
taken,  but  a  large  surplus  of  applicants  encountered 
disappointment.  As  had  been  anticipated,  a  great 
rise  in  the  value  of  the  public  debt  had  been  caused 
by  the  provision  for  its  receipt  in  part  payment. 
From  this  eager  demand  for  bank-shares  and  this 
rapid  advance  in  the  price  of  debt-certificates  re 
sulted  a  state  of  affairs,  brief  and  unavoidable,  but 
disastrous.  A  whirlwind  of  speculation  swept  over 
the  country.  Scenes  were  witnessed  which  bring  to 
mind  the  spectacle  of  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange 
during  the  civil  war.  "  Corners  "  were  but  imper 
fectly  understood  in  1791, but  "time-contracts"  were 


346  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

familiar  to  the  ingenuity  of  that  generation  and  were 
indulged  in  upon  a  scale  which  was  immense  in  pro 
portion  to  the  resources  of  the  community.  The 
banks  already  existing  manufactured  money  and 
credit  in  the  most  reckless  profusion  to  supply  the 
demands  of  the  speculators  who  controlled  them. 
Prodigious  and  utterly  unreasonable  advances  were 
made  with  fearful  rapidity.  The  speculation  which 
had  attended  the  publication  of  the  secretary's  famous 
report  concerning  the  public  debt  was  far  outrun 
upon  this  occasion.  But  the  excitement  was  as 
short-lived  as  it  was  furious.  There  was  no  capital 
in  the  country.  Men  who  lost  in  the  wild  game 
were  utterly  unable  to  pay;  the  point  was  quickly 
reached  beyond  which  farther  advance  was  impos 
sible  ;  the  inevitable  rush  to  realize  occurred ;  and 
then  of  course  came  ruin,  panic,  and  a  terrible 
havoc  throughout  the  business  world. 

With  a  sure  foreknowledge  of  what  was  to  come, 
Hamilton  had  watched  this  fury  with  the  gravest 
anxiety.  When  in  the  earlier  speculation  couriers 
were  said  to  be  scouring  the  country  to  buy  up  the 
certificates  of  public  debt  at  the  absurdly  low  prices 
then  ruling,  Hamilton  had  done  all  that  in  him  lay 
to  counteract  these  contemptible  and  rapacious  ma 
noeuvres.  Crowded  as  he  was  with  business,  he  had 
found  time  to  write  a  pamphlet  for  general  distribu 
tion  among  the  people,  explaining  in  a  style  fitted  to 
the  popular  comprehension  the  somewhat  complex 
system  of  funding,  and  seeking  to  show  to  the  holders 
of  certificates  what  their  value  was.  Now,  in  this 
second  juncture,  he  again  put  forth  his  best  efforts  to 
check  the  general  folly.  It  was  most  unfairly  im- 


THE  FIRST  NATIONAL  BANK.  347 

perilling  the  reputation  of  his  great  measure,  as  well 
as  seriously  injuring  the  people.  "  A  bubble,"  said 
he,  "  connected  with  my  operation  is,  of  all  the  ene 
mies  I  have  to  fear,  in  my  judgment  the  most  formi 
dable."  When  the  distress  came  the  secretary  sought 
to  alleviate  it  by  such  means  as  were  in  his  power,  by 
purchases  carefully  distributed  among  the  suffering 
cities,  made  from  the  sinking  fund  created  by  the 
public  debt ;  thereby  helping  these  securities  to  re 
cover  from  the  sudden  and  undue  fall  which  followed 
their  equally  sudden  and  undue  advance,  and  also 
increasing  the  volume  of  money  available  for  the 
public. 

It  was  hard,  while  Hamilton  was  watching  the 
speculation  with  dread,  and  exerting  his  personal 
influence  and  all  the  just  means  within  his  reach 
to  stay  its  course,  that  he  should  have  suffered  in 
his  reputation  from  false  and  idle  tales  to  the  effect 
that  he  himself  was  interested  in  it.  Duer,  with 
whom  he  was  intimate,  was  speculating  among  the 
wildest,  and  the  detractors  of  Hamilton  would  have 
it  that  there  was  some  kind  of  secret  partnership 
between  the  two.  In  fact,  Hamilton's  private  corre 
spondence  shows  that,  so  far  from  abetting,  he  expos 
tulated  warmly  and  repeatedly  with  his  infatuated 
friend.  Of  course  his  kindly  warnings  were  in  vain, 
as  warnings  always  are  in  such  cases.  Duer  would 
not  be  controlled.  The  result  was  that  he  failed  and 
was  thrown  into  prison  by  his  creditors,  in  which 
unhappy  strait  he  received  assistance  from  Hamilton, 
both  in  money  and  in  efforts  to  procure  his  release. 


348  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  EXCISE  AND   THE   MINT. 

THE  revenue  laws  during  their  early  trial  worked 
with,  much  success.  The  president  in  his  message  to 
Congress  stated  with  satisfaction  that,  in  a  period  of 
a  little  more  than  thirteen  months,  $1,900,000  had 
been  collected,  and  the  national  credit  had  been  so 
far  improved  in  public  estimation  that  the  certificates 
of  the  national  debt  were  now  salable  at  seventy-five 
cents  on  the  dollar.  It  was,  nevertheless,  necessary 
to  raise  about  $826,000  more  than  could  be  fairly 
expected  to  accrue  from  the  sources  already  estab 
lished.  Accordingly,  on  December  13,  1790,  Hamil 
ton  sent  into  the  House  another  report  on  the  public 
credit. 

His  recommendations  previously  offered,  concern 
ing  taxation  of  wines  and  spirits  of  home  manu 
facture,  had  not  been  very  favorably  received  by 
Congress.  The  unpopular  name  of  excise  had  raised 
a  vehement  and  successful  opposition.  Now,  how 
ever,  he  ventured  to  renew  them  in  the  belief,  as  he 
said,  that  collateral  and  temporary  considerations, 
since  removed,  had  hitherto  prevented  their  adoption. 
For  the  best  argument  that  had  been  brought  against 


THE  EXCISE  AND   THE  MINT.  349 

this  project  when  it  was  first  suggested  was  that,  if 
the  State  indebtedness  should  not  be  assumed  by  the 
nation,  the  States  would  need  this  resource.  Now, 
however,  that  indebtedness  having  been  assumed,  the 
same  argument  would  show  that  the  national  treasury 
in  its  turn  would  stand  in  need  of  this  means  of  in 
come,  and  that  the  States  could  do  without  it. 

The  scheme  of  an  excise  might  be  expected  to  work 
well  in  connection  with  the  imposts  on  imported 
liquors,  for  the  collection  of  which  an  improved 
machinery  was  needed.  Heretofore  the  security  of 
the  revenue  had  depended  chiefly  upon  the  integrity 
of  the  individual  importers.  The  oaths  of  the  mer 
chants,  being  the  parties  most  interested  to  evade  the 
duty,  had  furnished  nearly  the  sole  security  for  their 
compliance  with  the  laws.  Hamilton  chose  now  to 
transfer  this  security  and  to  found  it  upon  the  vigil 
ance  of  public  officers.  The  reliance  upon  the  dealers 
had  proved  to  be  too  often  misplaced.  The  principle 
of  such  legislation  was  bad ;  because,  as  Hamilton 
expressed  it,  it  was  "  not  sufficiently  in  accord  with 
the  bias  of  human  nature."  The  new  regulations 
might  be  arranged  to  include  home-made  as  well 
as  imported  liquors,  with  little  increase  in  expense 
over  a  system  applicable  to  the  latter  only. 

An  excise  had  always  been  an  unpopular  form  of 
taxation  in  Great  Britain,  where  the  name  of  the 
exciseman  had  passed  into  a  term  of  reproach  more 
offensive  than  that  of  the  publican  of  old ;  and  a  not 
less  resolute  antipathy  had  been  manifested  at  the 
preceding  session  of  Congress  to  its  introduction  into 
this  country.  Yet  it  was  not  really  a  novelty  even 
among  the  States,  and  the  secretary's  proposition  was 


850  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

only  to  extend  to  the  country  at  large  taxes  similar 
to  those  which  had  already  been  established  in  Massa 
chusetts,  Pennsylvania,  Connecticut,  and  to  some 
extent  also  in  other  quarters.  Opposition  had  been 
chiefly  based  upon  the  arbitrary  and  excessive  au 
thority  of  entry,  search,  seizure,  and  confiscation 
customarily  conferred  upon  officials.  From  the  plan 
proposed  by  Hamilton  these  odious  traits  had  been 
carefully  eliminated.  The  officer  of  excise  was  to 
have  no  summary  jurisdiction,  no  right  of  indis 
criminate  visitation.  He  could  enter  only  such 
depositories  as  the  dealers  themselves  should  desig 
nate  by  public  insignia ;  and  in  case  of  oppression,  or 
even  of  unintentional  mischief,  compensation  was 
granted,  which  was  really  chiefly  open  to  objection  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  upon  a  scale  dangerously 
liberal  and  actually  tempting  to  abuse. 

Whatever  the  objections  to  an  excise,  greater  objec 
tions  existed  to  any  other  tax.  It  was  better  than  a 
tax  on  houses  and  lands,  which  could  never  be  made 
to  bear  equally,  and  which  Hamilton  wished  to  see 
held  in  reserve  for  exceptional  emergencies.  It  was 
better  than  putting  additional  duties  on  merchandise 
imported  from  foreign  parts.  For  most  imports  were 
already  taxed  quite  high  enough.  Nor  would  it  be 
wise  to  make  the  importers  think  that  the  whole 
revenue  of  the  country  was  to  be  collected  from  and 
through  them. 

The  secretary  closed  his  report  by  suggesting  the 
expediency  of  establishing  a  system  of  bonded  ware 
houses,  thereby  conferring  upon  the  importers  one 
of  the  greatest  boons  and  conveniences  ever  devised 
in  their  behalf. 


THE   EXCISE  AND   THE   MINT.  351 

The  plan  was  vehemently  opposed  in  the  House, 
chiefly  upon  various  grounds  of  separate  local  in 
terest.  Georgia  did  not  wish  to  see  her  trade  with 
the  West  Indies  encumbered.  In  North  Carolina  the 
people  drank  so  much  that  the  tax  would  fall  with 
exceptional  and  terrible  severity  upon  her;  nor  did 
her  representatives  seem  -to  think  that  any  improve 
ment  in  the  health  and  morals  of  their  constituents 
would  compensate  for  the  infringement  upon  their 
favorite  luxury.  Jackson,  a  blatant  creature,  always 
in  opposition  and  always  violent,  declared  that  an 
excise  would  deprive  the  mass  of  the  people  of  the 
southern  States  "  of  almost  the  only  luxury  they  enjoy, 
that  of  distilled  spirits."  There  was  much  eager 
debating,  but  the  result  was  the  passage  of  a  bill 
nearly  coinciding  with  Hamilton's  recommendation. 
A  duty  was  imposed  upon  imported  spirits,  ranging 
from  twenty  to  forty  cents  per  gallon  according  to 
strength  ;  and  the  excise  upon  domestic  spirits  varied 
from  nine  to  twenty-five  cents  per  gallon  on  those 
manufactured  from  grain,  and  from  eleven  to  thirty 
cents  on  those  made  from  molasses  or  other  imported 
material.  To  a  generation  which  has  seen  an  excise 
of  two  dollars  per  gallon  levied  on  home-distilled 
whiskey,  these  rates  do  not  appear  very  exorbitant, 
nor  such  as  to  justify  the  strenuous  hostility  which 
was  aroused  against  the  secretary's  schedule. 

MINT. 

A  nation  having  been  established,  it  seemed  proper 
that  there  should  also  be  established  some  distinctive 
and  standard  national  currency.  Hitherto  nothing 
of  the  sort  had  existed,  and  the  United  States  was 


352  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

dependent  upon  the  coinage  of  other  countries  for  all 
its  hard  money.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  colonies 
had  been  in  such  close  commercial  connection  with 
Great  Britain,  the  money  unit  of  that  country  had 
not  been  kindly  adopted  by  her  cis-atlaiitic  depend 
encies.  Pounds,  shillings,  and  pence,  had  been 
nearly  superseded  in  the  common  reckoning  by  the 
Spanish  dollar  and  the  cent  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress.  The  propriety  of  providing  a  mint  had  often 
been  pressed  during  several  years  past,  but  the  diffi 
culties  and  obstacles  inherent  in  the  undertaking  had 
prevented  its  accomplishment.  In  the  first  tariff  act 
Congress  had  treated  the  Spanish  dollar  as  the  mone 
tary  unit,  and  other  coins  were  declared  to  be  receiv 
able  in  payment  of  duties  at  rates  determined  by 
their  ratio  of  value  in  comparison  with  this  piece. 
Of  course  it  was  undesirable  for  many  practical  rea 
sons,  as  well  as  unworthy  of  the  dignity  of  the 
nation,  to  permit  such  an  arrangement  to  be  other 
wise  than  temporary.  Accordingly,  the  establishment 
of  a  national  coinage  and  a  national  mint  was  a  sub 
ject  demanding  the  early  attention  of  the  secretary  of 
the  treasury. 

This  was  no  such  simple  business  as  the  citizens  of 
an  old  country  are  apt  to  deem  it.  Indeed,  when 
for  gold  and  silver  pieces  mere  printed  scraps  are 
substituted,  the  manufacture  of  money  seems  reduced 
to  the  last  degree  of  simplicity.  Yet  such  appear 
ances  are  sadly  misleading,  and  Hamilton  had  many 
questions  to  consider,  much  information  to  obtain,  ere 
he  could  make  a  report  containing  mature  and  suffi 
cient  recommendations.  "  A  plan,"  he  said,  "  for  an 
establishment  of  this  nature  involves  a  great  variety 


THE   EXCISE   AND   THE    MINT.  353 

of  considerations  —  intricate,  nice,  and  important. 
The  general  state  of  debtor  and  creditor;  all  the 
relations  and  consequences  of  the  essential  interests 
of  trade  and  industry ;  the  value  of  all  property ;  the 
whole  income  both  of  the  State  and  of  individuals, 
—  are  liable  to  be  sensibly  influenced,  beneficially  or 
otherwise,  by  the  judicious  or  injudicious  regulation 
of  this  interesting  object."  Those  who  have  not 
studied  the  subject  may  be  somewhat  surprised  at 
the  magnitude  of  importance  quite  correctly  attached 
to  it  in  these  words. 

It  needs  but  to  continue  the  perusal  of  the  report, 
to  be  convinced  that  Hamilton  did  not  exaggerate  the 
gravity  of  the  task.  This  matter  of  coinage  and 
currency,  which  in  its  present  familiarity  attracts 
scarcely  a  passing  thought,  involved  a  vast  deal  of 
laborious  reflection  before  it  could  be  created.  Few 
readers  would  follow  an  abstract  however  abbre 
viated  of  this  document ;  yet  if  it  was  the  dryest,  it 
was  certainly  not  the  least  difficult  or  important  of 
the  many  labors  of  the  secretary  at  this  period.  Suf 
fice  it  to  say,  that  he  established  with  much  care  the 
proper  value  of  the  dollar,  the  ratio  of  gold  to  silver, 
the  amount  of  alloy,  and  the  amount  of  charge  which 
could  be  wisely  made  to  the  individual  for  the  pro 
cess  of  coming  his  bullion  into  money,  — a  question 
by  the  way  of  great  difficulty  and  bringing  in  its 
train  some  very  nice  and  singular  influences  upon 
international  exchanges  and  trade. 

The  number  and   proportional  value  of   the  new 

coins  must  be  in  a  measure  experimental.     It  would 

be  well  to  start  with   a  few,  and  to  multiply  them 

according  to  the  exigencies  of  the  people.     The  sec- 

VOL.  i.  23 


354  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

retary  accordingly  advised  beginning  with  the  follow 
ing  :  A  ten-dollar  gold  piece  ;  a  one-dollar  gold  piece  ; 
a  one-dollar  silver  piece  ;  a  silver  dime,  being  one- 
tenth  of  the  unit;  a  copper  piece,  being  one-hun 
dredth  of  the  unit ;  a  second  copper  piece,  of  one- 
half  the  value  of  the  other.  The  gold  dollar  was 
not  expected  to  circulate  largely.  The  chief  induce 
ment  to  its  existence  was  that  there  should  be  a 
sensible  object  in  that  metal,  as  well  as  in  silver,  to 
express  the  unit. 

"  The  devices  of  the  coins,"  said  the  secretary, 
"  are  far  from  being  matters  of  indifference,  as  they 
may  be  made  the  vehicles  of  useful  impressions. 
They  ought  therefore  to  be  emblematical,  but  with 
out  losing  sight  of  simplicity."  This  recommenda 
tion  is  eminently  in  keeping  with  the  somewhat 
didactic  spirit  of  an  age  when  public  moralizing  was 
the  fashion,  and  the  utterance  of  fine  moral  senti 
ments  appeared  neither  dull  nor  ridiculous.  The 
country  has  outgrown  the  form  of  expression  as  well 
as  the  substance  of  the  advice.  Whether  the  head 
labelled  with  the  glorious  title  of  Liberty,  or  the 
astonishing  eagle  which  decorated  our  hard  money  a 
score  of  years  since,  tended  to  raise  any  improving 
thoughts  in  the  minds  of  the  people  may  be  doubted 
by  the  sceptical  ;  certainly,  no  one  can  even  doubt 
whether  the  portraits  and  decorations  of  the  "  green 
back  "  and  "postal"  money  are  likely  to  be  the 
"  vehicles  of  useful  impressions  "  to  any  person. 

When  the  subject  came  before  Congress,  this  matter 
of  the  device  gave  rise  to  a  debate  very  elaborate  and 
warm  at  the  time,  but  furnishing  no  small  material 
for  entertainment  now.  For  one  side  of  the  coin, 


THE  EXCISE   AND   THE   MINT.  355 

the  eagle  and  the  legend  "  United  States  of  America  " 
were  very  readily  and  harmoniously  adopted.  The 
disposition  of  the  other  side  gave  rise  to  serious  con 
troversy.  The  Senate  proposed  u  an  impression  or 
representation  of  the  head  of  the  president  of  the 
United  States  for  the  time  being,"  with  a  legend  re 
citing  his  name,  his  order  of  succession  in  the  presi 
dency,  arid  the  date  of  the  coinage.  The  republican 
spirit  of  the  lower  House  took  a  dreadful  alarm  at 
this  insidious  proposition.  The  image  arid  super 
scription  of  Caesar  constituted  the  first  step  toward 
CfBsarism.  The  head  of  the  president  upon  the  coin 
of  the  country  would  pave  the  way  to  monarchy  and 
despotism.  One  gentleman  asserted  that  the  scheme 
"  had  a  very  near  affinity  to  titles,  that  darling  child 
of  the  other  branch  of  the  legislature,  put  out  at 
nurse  for  the  present,  but  intended  to  be  recognized 
hereafter  with  all  due  form."  Such  was  the  tone  of 
an  animated  discussion.  The  result  was  that  the 
House  amended  the  Senate  bill  by  substituting  an 
"  emblematical  figure  of  Liberty  "  for  the  presiden 
tial  likeness.  The  Senate  returned  the  bill  thus 
amended,  with  their  refusal  to  concur.  The  debate 
was  renewed  with  much  expression  of  feeling  in  the 
House,  which  insisted  on  the  amendment.  At  length 
the  Senate  yielded.  But  the  artists  experienced  much 
tribulation  in  their  efforts  to  achieve  a  satisfactory 
"  emblematical  figure  "  of  the  fine  abstraction  which 
they  were  called  upon  to  represent.  A  friendly  at 
tempt  was  again  made  to  relieve  them  of  their  em 
barrassment  by  adopting  the  head  of  Columbus, 
which  seemed  commendable  on  the  grounds  of  in 
volving  no  political  danger  and  being  not  inappro- 


356  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

priate.  Congress  however  were  not  to  be  allured 
from  their  imaginative  mood,  and  the  result,  if  not 
all  that  could  be  desired  aesthetically,  was  at  least 
innocuous  to  the  State.  The  factitious  importance 
bestowed  upon  this  subject  resulted  in  such  con 
sumption  of  time,  that  it  was  considered  in  two 
separate  sessions  of  Congress  before  it  was  finally 
disposed  of. 

The  recommendations  of  Hamilton  were  finally  only 
imperfectly  adopted.  Coinage  was  made  free,  except 
when  coin  was  simultaneously  exchanged  for  bullion, 
in  which  case  one-half  of  one  per  cent  was  deducted. 
Otherwise  the  English  system  was  followed  ;  and  the 
only  compensation  obtained  by  government,  or  paid 
by  the  individual,  was  indirectly  in  the  shape  of  in 
terest  during  the  period  of  delay  between  the  deliv 
ery  of  bullion  and  the  receipt  of  coin.  Congress 
also  resolved  to  put  forth  a  much  greater  variety  of 
coins  than  had  been  suggested  by  the  secretary  as  ad 
visable  at  the  outset ;  namely,  —  the  eagle,  half-eagle, 
and  quarter-eagle  in  gold ;  the  dollar,  half-dollar, 
quarter-dollar,  dime,  and  half-dime,  in  silver;  the 
cent  and  half-cent  in  copper.  The  ratio  of  gold  to 
silver  was  established  at  one  to  fifteen  ;  but  in  spite 
of  the  care  with  which  the  calculation  had  been 
made,  or  rather  by  reason  of  the  working  of  new 
influences  just  coming  into  operation,  this  proportion 
turned  out  to  be  erroneous.  By  it  the  gold  coin  was 
much  undervalued,  and  did  not  come  freely  into 
circulation. 


MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION.  357 


CHAPTER    XL 

MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION. 

No  sooner  did  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
render  an  uniform  tariff  throughout  the  States  a 
possibility,  than  the  question  was  raised  as  to  the 
policy  upon  which  that  tariff  should  be  constructed. 
Should  it  be  arranged  with  a  sole  view  to  the  reve 
nue  to  be  obtained  from  it,  and  to  this  end  provide 
for  the  imposition  of  such  duties  as  would  render  the 
largest  returns  at  the  smallest  charge  of  collection  ? 
Or  should  it  be  composed  with  a  view  to  the  protec 
tion  of  home  industries  and  domestic  products  from 
foreign  competition? 

The  immediate  necessity  of  raising  some  ready 
money  led  to  the  passage  of  a  tariff  bill  at  the  first 
session  of  Congress.  It  was  prepared  and  carried 
through  the  House  chiefly  by  Madison ;  and  its  con 
tents,  no  less  than  the  general  tone  of  the  debate  in 
which  it  was  discussed,  showed  a  decided  leaning  to 
wards  the  protective  system.  But  this  legislation  was 
temporary,  and  was  at  the  time  known  to  be  so.  The 
permanent  system  of  the  country  was  left  for  subse 
quent  and  more  leisurely  development.  When  at 
last  Congress  felt  able  to  give  the  subject  due  atten- 


358  LIFE    OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

tion,   it    applied   as   usual   to   Hamilton   to   furnish 
information  and  opinions. 

A  topic  so  important  and  so  congenial  to  his  tastes 
called  forth  his  best  exertions.  A  series  of  extensive 
investigations  conducted  by  every  feasible  kind  of 
inquiry  and  research,  both  in  foreign  parts  and  in  the 
United  States,  furnished  the  material  for  his  reflec 
tions.  He  took  abundant  time  to  digest  as  well  as  to 
collect  the  great  mass  of  information  thus  acquired, 
and  it  was  not  until  nearly  two  years  had  elapsed 
since  the  order  for  the  report  was  passed  that  he  sent 
in  the  document  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  In 
some  respects  it  deserves  to  be  regarded  as  the  ablest 
of  all  his  State  papers.  The  basis  was  furnished  by 
a  knowledge  as  wide,  thorough,  and  practical  as  has 
ever  been  brought  to  the  discussion  of  this  vexed 
question.  The  inferences  and  arguments  constituted 
as  able  a  presentation  of  the  protectionist  theory  as 
has  ever  been  made.  Arguments  have  since  that  era 
been  put  into  new  forms,  and  a  host  of  fresh  similes 
and  comparisons  have  been  suggested.  But  the  sub 
stance  of  the  reasoning  has  received  no  material  ac 
cession,  and  a  report  to  the  same  purport  as  that  of 
Hamilton  could  not  be  written  to-day  which  should 
excel  the  one  he  drew  up  in  1791. 

It  is,  however,  an  incorrect  construction  of  that 
report  to  regard  it  as  a  vindication  of  the  general  or 
abstract  doctrine  of  protection.  Hamilton  was  very 
far  from  assuming  any  such  position ;  protection  al 
ways  and  everywhere  was  not  his  theory ;  protection 
was  not  his  ideal  principle  of  commercial  regulation. 
For  example,  it  is  altogether  impossible  to  predicate 
from  any  thing  contained  in  this  report  what  would 


MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION.  359 

be  its  writer's  opinion  as  to  the  proper  policy  in  the 
present  circumstances  of  this  country  were  he  alive 
to-day.  So  far  from  entertaining  any  predilection 
for  protection  in  the  abstract,  it  would  seem  that  in  a 
perfect  commercial  world  he  would  have  expected  to 
find  free  trade  the  prevalent  custom.  If  the  system 
of  perfect  liberty  to  industry  and  commerce  were  the 
prevailing  system  of  nations,  then  each  country  would 
have  the  full  benefit  of  its  peculiar  advantages  to 
compensate  for  its  peculiar  disadvantages.  If  one  na 
tion  were  in  a  condition  to  supply  manufactured  arti 
cles  on  better  terms  than  another,  that  other  might 
find  an  abundant  indemnification  in  a  superior  capac 
ity  to  furnish  the  produce  of  the  soil ;  and  a  free 
exchange,  mutually  beneficial,  of  the  commodities 
which  each  was  able  to  supply  on  the  best  terms 
might  be  carried  on  between  them,  supporting  in  full 
vigor  the  industry  of  each. 

In  other  words,  if  free  trade  were  the  rule  of  the 
whole  commercial  world,  Hamilton  was  not  prepared 
to  say  that  the  United  States  would  find  it  for  her 
interest  to  be  singular.  But  such  were  not  the  prem 
isses  from  which  he  had  to  draw  a  conclusion.  A 
quite  opposite  condition  of  things  existed.  The 
commercial  relations  of  Great  Britain  to  the  United 
States  then  outweighed  in  importance  to  the  latter 
country  the  connections  which  were  or  might  become 
established  with  all  the  other  countries  of  the  globe, 
civilized  and  barbarian,  besides.  But  Great  Britain 
in  those  days  was  as  far  gone  in  the  extremes  of  pro 
tection  as  she  is  now  advanced  in  the  contrary  direc 
tion  of  free  trade.  American  commerce  had  been 
taught  in  the  colonial  days  to  seek  British  channels. 


360  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

The  mother  country  and  her  provincial  dependencies 
had  absorbed  it  all.  The  old  familiar  ways  were  not 
to  be  exchanged  for  new  ones,  even  if  new  ones 
equally  good  could  be  opened,  except  slowly  and  re 
luctantly.  Yet  ever  since  the  peace,  Great  Britain 
by  her  laws  and  her  orders  in  council  had  pursued 
with  unrelenting  vigor  and  consummate  skill  the  sys 
tem  of  commercial  oppression  towards  this  country. 
She  seemed  resolved  to  impoverish  her  revolted  prov 
inces  so  far  as  lay  in  her  power,  to  make  them  pay 
commercial  tribute,  and  to  subject  them  to  a  commer 
cial  dependence  so  far  as  her  ability  could  go ;  and 
for  this  purpose  her  ability  had  been  proved  to  be 
very  great. 

Hamilton's  business  was  to  consider  what  it  was 
wise  for  the  United  States  to  do  in  the  actual  condi 
tion  of  commercial  affairs  then  prevalent  in  the  world 
around  them  ;  not  to  consider  what  condition  of  affairs 
it  would  be  desirable  to  establish  throughout  that 
world,  or  what  would  be  wise  in  a  different  condition 
of  things  either  foreign  or  domestic.  He  had  a  busi 
ness  problem  to  solve,  not  an  essay  to  write.  This 
end  he  kept  strictly  in  view  throughout  his  argu 
ments  and  recommendations.  Artificial  arrange 
ments  surrounding  the  United  States,  and  acting 
immediately  and  very  forcibly  upon  them,  could 
not  be  ignored  by  them  in  determining  their 
own  policy.  If  other  nations  clothed  themselves 
in  protective  regulations,  this  new  people  might 
be  compelled  to  adopt  similar  integuments.  Of 
fensive  legislation  abroad  seemed  properly  to  be 
met  by  defensive  legislation  at  home.  Moreover 
experience  had  already  brought  some  opportunity  for 


MANUFACTURES   AND  PROTECTION.  361 

judging.  Those  very  obstacles  thrown  so  vexatiously 
and  pertinaciously  in  the  way  of  our  trade  had  them 
selves  already  contributed  to  furnish  strong  argu 
ments  in  favor  of  the  policy  by  which  they  were  to 
be  counteracted.  For  these  embarrassments  had  ac 
celerated  internal  improvements,  and  the  results  of 
the  efforts  of  the  people  thus  stimulated  to  help  them 
selves  had  been  eminently  satisfactory. 

Altogether  apart  from  any  considerations  drawn 
from  the  attitude  justly  or  wisely  to  be  assumed  by 
this  country  towards  the  European  powers,  the  adop 
tion  of  the  principle  of  protection  in  the  childhood 
of  the  republic  ought,  as  Hamilton  argued,  to  com 
mend  itself  upon  its  intrinsic  or  domestic  merits.  It 
may  be  conceded  without  imperilling  this  conclusion, 
that  there  was  truth  in  the  arguments  of  the  anti-pro 
tectionists  to  the  effect  that  protection  was  expensive 
to  the  people  at  large ;  that  industry  in  its  natural 
channels  would  be  most  remunerative ;  that  private 
enterprise  and  individual  shrewdness  could  be  most 
safely  trusted  to  select  and  pursue  all  paying  occu 
pations  ;  that  any  specific  business  could  in  the  outset 
be  artificially  built  up  only  at  a  large  public  cost. 
There  is  much  to  be  said  in  reply  to  these  positions, 
and  which  was  very  ably  said  by  Hamilton  ;  but  this 
branch  of  the  discussion  goes  to  the  general  question 
of  the  soundness  of  the  protective  theory,  and  it  is 
not  worth  while  to  plunge  into  that  sea  of  disputation 
here.  I  say  then  simply  that  whether  these  posi 
tions  of  the  anti-protectionists  be  answerable  or  un 
answerable  is  in  a  measure  immaterial  for  the  purposes 
of  Hamilton's  report.  Their  truth,  if  truth  they  have, 
is  not  conclusive  concerning  the  proper  policy  of  the 


362  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

United  States  in  1791 ;  their  truth  does  not  show 
that  protection  of  domestic  manufactures,  using  the 
phrase  "  manufactures  "in  a  very  comprehensive 
sense,  was  an  error  in  1791.  For  these  arguments 
only  show  that  the  people,  by  pursuing  agriculture 
as  their  chief  if  not  literally  as  their  sole  occupation 
during  the  first  decade  or  generation  of  the  republic, 
might  have  grown  richer  than  in  the  same  period 
they  could  have  done  by  combining  therewith  pro 
tected  manufacturing. 

This  position  amounts  only  to  saying  that  the 
protection  of  manufactures  cost  the  nation  a  sum, 
possibly  a  large  sum,  of  money.  But  this  charge  was 
distributed  not  unequally.  It  was  impossible  indeed 
so  to  arrange  the  system  that  it  should  not  in  its 
working  enable  a  few  persons  to  grow  rich ;  and  un 
questionably  these  persons  made  their  money  out  of 
the  rest  of  their  fellow-citizens.  This  was  perhaps 
an  unfortunate  circumstance ;  but  it  was  also  inevita 
ble,  and  comparatively  speaking  it  was  a  small  matter. 
The  surplus  wealth  of  these  few  people  was  accumu 
lated  from  contributions  so  small  that  the  contributing 
multitudes  did  not  feel  it.  They  did  feel  the  whole 
contribution  which  they  had  to  make ;  but  a  very 
small  percentage  only  of  that  entire  contribution 
finally  assumed  the  form  of  a  surplus  or  net  profit 
remaining  in  the  pocket  of  the  manufacturer.  The 
people  at  large  were  taxed  during  these  earlier  years 
in  order  to  sustain  the  system  of  protection.  Pro 
tectionists  say  that  after  a  time  the  money  comes  back 
again  ten  fold,  perhaps  an  hundred  fold.  This  dis 
cussion  again  must  be  avoided  in  this  place,  as  must 
also  be  the  inquiry  whether  the  children  or  grand- 


MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION.  363 

children  of  those  who  pay  protection  taxes  are  or  are 
not  richer  than  they  would  have  been  had  those  taxes 
not  been  paid  by  their  fathers  and  forefathers. 

The  descendants  may  be  better  off  even  if  they  are 
not  richer.  The  price  paid  may  have  brought  some 
thing  else  quite  as  valuable  as  hoards  of  gold  and 
silver.  The  opponents  of  Hamilton's  system  founded 
their  argument  upon  the  assumption  that  money  was 
the  most  important,  valuable,  and  useful  of  all  acqui 
sitions  ;  nay,  that  it  was  so  important,  so  valuable, 
and  so  useful  that  in  comparison  with  it  all  other 
acquisitions  could  be  safely  neglected.  In  so  far  as 
all  material  substances  can  be  bought  with  money 
this  position  is  undeniably  true,  so  long  as  no  in 
terfering  ^  circumstance  temporarily  or  permanently 
curtails  in  respect  of  some  material  or  materials  this 
purchasing  power  of  money.  But  in  a  world  of 
rivalries  and  wars,  theories  which  are  based  upon  the 
fundamental  necessity  of  a  permanent  smoothness 
and  harmony  in  the  affairs  of  nations  are  rarely  safe 
bases  for  important  action.  Surely  he  would  not  be 
considered  to  have  deserved  well  of  his  country,  who 
in  the  condition  of  the  United  States  in  1791  should 
have  insisted  upon  leaving  her  exposed  to  the  com 
mercial  mercies  of  foreign  nations,  especially  of 
England.  For  how  long  a  time  might  she  not 
have  remained  almost  helpless,  subject  to  the  oppres 
sive  regulations  of  jealous  foreign  peoples ;  not 
commercial  rivals  only  because  they  were  unquestion 
ably  commercial  superiors,  yet  not  less  extortionate 
in  oppression  than  they  would  have  been  keen  in 
rivalry. 

It  was  not  necessary  that  the  United  States  them- 


364  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDEK  HAMILTON. 

selves  should  be  at  war  in  order  that  they  should  suffer 
from  the  high  prices  and  the  interruption  and  precari- 
ousness  of  trade  which  a  war  between  European  powers 
would  inevitably  bring  about.  But  consider  what  act 
ually  happened.  In  1812  began  a  second  contest  with 
Great  Britain.  Only  a  period  of  about  thirty  years 
had  elapsed  since  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war ; 
scarcely  a  generation :  a  short  period  in  the  life  of 
a  nation.  During  two-thirds  only  of  that  period  had 
the  principle  of  protection  been  in  systematic  and 
thorough  operation.  The  war  of  1812  was  not  per 
haps  a  very  brilliant  success ;  the  people  prosecuted 
it  in  but  a  half-hearted  way.  Yet  compare  the  ex 
tent  of  resources  shown  then  with  what  had  been 
shown  before ;  compare  especially  the  financial  con 
dition  of  the  country  then  and  her  ability  to  help 
herself  with  the  abilities  which  she  had  manifested 
in  this  respect  before.  The  vast  improvement  may 
not  be  all  attributable  to  the  working  of  the  protec 
tive  tariff.  A  free,  young  country  tempting  immi 
gration  would  have  grown  much  in  thirty  years 
with  or  without  artificial  aid.  But  it  is  not  a 
tenable  position  that,  had  the  United  States  been  a 
purely  agricultural  nation  in  1812,  she  would  have 
been  so  far  a  match  for  England  as  in  fact  she  proved 
herself. 

It  is  difficult  to  agree  with  the  opponents  of  Hamil 
ton,  who  expressed  their  satisfaction  with  the  future 
of  the  United  States  as  an  agricultural  country.  It 
would  have  been  but  an  imperfect  growth  that  could 
have  been  attained  under  such  conditions,  and  the 
nation  would  have  been  but  an  inconsiderable  power 
among  the  powers  of  the  world.  As  a  producer  of 


MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION.  365 

breadstuff's,  of  cotton,  of  tobacco,  the  United  States 
has  done  all  that  she  could  do.  She  has  supplied  the 
demand.  It  may  be  said  that  untrammelled  by  pro 
tection  she  would  have  produced  at  less  cost,  and 
therefore  have  supplied  more  cheaply ;  and  by  so  doing 
would  have  undersold  the  foreign  produce,  and  in 
creased  the  demand  upon  herself.  So  she  would, 
doubtless,  had  she  been  able  all  the  while  to  make  the 
laws  for  the  foreign  countries  as  well  as  for  herself ; 
could  she  have  been  sure  that  her  flood  of  natural 
products  would  not  have  been  dammed  up  by  protec 
tive  tariffs  drawn  across  the  entrance  to  foreign  ports. 
But  it  was  precisely  the  certainty  that  such  measures 
would  be  resorted  to  against  her,  which  constituted 
one  of  Hamilton's  main  arguments.  It  was  obvious 
that  if  the  United  States  sent  to  foreign  ports  all  the 
products  which  were  wanted  or  would  be  received 
there,  then  her  growth  must  have  stopped  at  that 
point  had  she  no  other  resources  to  turn  to.  The 
whole  manufacturing  interest  appears,  in  this  point  of 
view,  to  be  so  much  clear  gain  to  the  country.  In 
addition  to  which  occur  the  very  important  considera 
tions  '  strongly  urged  by  Hamilton  of  the  large  and 
steady  demand  for  agricultural  products  furnished  by 
the  masses  engaged  in  other  branches  of  industry  ; 
a  demand  so  far  better  than  a  foreign  demand  as  it 
was  more  conveniently  supplied,  more  safe  from  inter 
ruption  or  fluctuation,  and  almost  or  quite  protected 
against  competition.  Moreover,  immigration  was  the 
food  upon  which  the  country  was  to  feed  and  to  grow 
great,  and  immigrants  would  flock  to  our  shores  in 
greater  numbers  directly  in  proportion  as  more  varied 
occupations  were  held  out  to  them.  Men  do  not 


366  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

readily  change  their  callings.  By  the  pursuit  which 
they  understand  they  expect  to  gain  their  livelihood. 
Iri  this  department  they  have  confidence  in  their  own 
powers.  Where  there  is  a  call  for  labor  which  they 
know  they  can  furnish,  they  feel  sure  that  at  least 
they  will  not  starve ;  they  hope  that  they  may  prosper. 
But  if  in  the  new  land  they  must  assume  a  new  char 
acter,  and  enter  upon  untried  tasks  for  which  they 
feel  no  fitness,  they  will  not  so  readily  make  a  hazard 
ous  and  uninviting  experiment. 

The  report  of  Hamilton  determined  the  policy  of 
the  country.  For  good  or  for  evil  protection  was 
resorted  to,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  encouraging 
domestic  manufacturing  as  well  as  of  raising  a  rev 
enue.  The  doctrine,  not  long  since  unpopular,  had 
within  a  few  years  past  been  making  great  advances 
in  the  general  esteem,  and  with  Hamilton  as  its  ad 
vocate  it  secured  a  tolerably  easy  success.  The  prin- 
-  ciples  upon  which  Hamilton  based  his  tariff  were  not 
quite  those  of  pure  protection,  but  constituted  what 
was  known  as  the  "  American  System ; "  a  system 
which  has  been  believed  in  by  former  generations 
with  a  warmth  of  conviction  not  easy  to  withstand. 
An  intelligent  people  with  shrewd  business  talents 
could  hardly  be  so  long  and  so  thoroughly  deceived 
as  to  their  own  practical  interests,  as  the  people  of 
the  United  States  must  have  been,  if  this  system  was, 
at  the  time  and  under  the  circumstances  of  its  in 
auguration,  erroneous. 

Hamilton's  avowed  purpose  was,  as  described  in 
{  his  own  words,  "  to  let  the  thirteen  States,  bound 
\  together  in  a  great  indissoluble  union,  concur  in  erect 
ing  one  great  system  superior  to  the  control  of  trans- 


MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION.  367 

atlantic  force  or  influence,  and  able  to  dictate  the 
connection  between  the  old  and  new  world."  This 
grand  and  bold  project  was  then,  and  has  since  contin 
ued  to  be,  too  alluring  to  the  American  people  for  any 
party  long  to  divert  them  from  pursuing  it.  The  cry 
against  it  to-day  is  chiefly  founded  upon  the  assertion 
that  the  end  has  been  at  last  so  conclusively  assured 
that  the  means  which  led  to  it  may  at  length  be  dis 
pensed  with.  Jefferson  and  the  anti-federalists  in 
1792  and  afterward  could  not  stand  for  an  instant 
against  the  popular  will  in  this  matter.  So  long  as 
they  were  in  opposition  they  cried  out,  though  quite 
ineffectually,  against  protection.  So  soon  as  they 
came  into  control  of  affairs  they  succumbed  to  the 
imperative  sense  of  the  people,  and  unhesitatingly 
persevered  in  the  Hamiltonian  system.  In  1809  a 
Congress  having  a  majority  opposed  to  the  political 
creed  of  Hamilton  ordered  his  report  to  be  reprinted. 
Nor  did  any  change  in  party  subsequently  produce  a 
change  in  the  policy  thus  established.  Surely,  if  it 
was  from  its  inception  a  blunder  so  very  great  and 
so  excessively  injurious  as  its  opponents  represent  it, 
the  prosperity  of  the  country  under  such  an  incubus 
was  marvellous.  A  country  such  as  ours  is  now  can 
stand  erect  and  even  expand  under  a  burden  so  enor 
mous  as  protection  is  asserted  to  be.  The  circum 
stances  for  which  Hamilton  prepared  his  report  no 
longer  exist,  and  a  greatly  changed  condition  of  busi 
ness  affairs,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  may  require  a 
corresponding  alteration  in  our  commercial  policy. 
But  that  a  country  so  young  and  so  devoid  of  capital, 
with  its  existing  affairs  so  unsettled  and  its  prospects 
so  uncertain,  as  was  the  case  with  the  United  States 


368  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

in  1790,  should  have  grown  so  rapidly  and  so  sym 
metrically  in  spite  of  weighty  fetters  encumbering 
every  limb  is  simply  incredible.  We  must  judge  of 
the  mode  of  rearing,  from  the  creature  developed  by 
it.  Protection  was  but  one  influence  upon  the  growth 
of  the  United  States,  but  it  was  an  exceedingly 
powerful  influence,  and,  had  it  been  from  the  tender 
infancy  of  the  nation  during  a  period  of  more  than 
three-quarters  of  a  century  in  wholly  injurious  opera 
tion,  it  could  hardly  have  failed  to  leave  some  strong 
unmistakable  marks  of  mischief  plainly  traceable  to 
it  in  distinction  from  any  other  source. 

As  ma}7  be  supposed,  protection  was  in  direct  op 
position  to  the  doctrines  of  anti-federalism.  It  was 
the  most  "  paternal "  conduct  of  which  the  govern 
ment  had  yet  been  guilty.  The  Constitution  was  in 
voked,  and  was  declared  to  authorize  the  laying  of 
imposts  only  to  raise  the  funds  required  to  meet  the 
necessary  and  lawful  national  outlay.  Taxes  laid  for 
any  other  purpose  were  unconstitutional ;  above  all, 
the  expenditure  of  money  in  bounties,  or  other  direct 
encouragement  of  any  specific  branch  of  industry, 
was  declared  to  be  wholly  indefensible,  and  of  course 
the  raising  of  money  for  such  purposes  was  equally 
wrong.  But  the  first  charge  was  too  indefinite  to  be 
pushed  to  much  advantage.  Taxes  must  be  laid,  and 
the  motives  inducing  the  selection  of  articles  and  the 
rates  imposed  could  not  be  reached  except  in  the 
way  of  general  invective.  When  the  anti-federalists 
inveighed  against  the  lawfulness  of  a  tariff  composed 
for  purposes  of  protection,  they  were  readily  met  by 
the  reply  that  the  tariff  was  composed  for  the  purpose 
of  revenue,  and  that  its  operation  upon  one  or  another 


MANUFACTURES  AND  PROTECTION.  369 

branch  of  industry  had  been  only  so  far  considered 
as  to  make  it  aid,  rather  than  injure,  the  prosperity 
of  the  country,  —  an  undeniably  proper  course  of  be 
havior.  So  the  legal  question  was  evaded,  and  the 
question  whether  the  prosperity  of  the  country  had 
been  correctly  understood  and  wisely  pursued  was 
one  of  opinion,  in  which  the  secretary  of  the  treasury 
had  the  great  majority  of  the  legislators  and  an  over 
whelming  majority  of  the  people  with  him. 

As  for  the  much  mooted  matter  of  bounties,  the 
Constitution  was  declared  not  to  restrict  the  expen 
diture  of  money,  as  the  anti-federalists  undertook  to 
maintain  that  it  did.  It  permitted  any  outlay  made 
in  order  to  advance  the  "  general  welfare."  After  all, 
Hamilton's  scheme  concerning  manufactures  only 
placed  them  on  a  par  with  commerce.  Agriculture 
needed  no  protection.  Tonnage  and  other  duties  had 
been  provided  by  statute  which  protected  the  native 
shipping  interest.  It  remained  only  to  lift  manu 
factures  to  the  same  level,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
charge  of  favoritism,  and  to  produce  in  the  United 
States  a  symmetrical  development  of  all  the  grand 
departments  of  occupation  which  go  to  employ  man 
kind. 


VOL.   I. 


370  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM. 

THE  three  great  measures  —  the  funding  of  the  pub 
lic  debt,  the  assumption  of  State  debts,  and  the  incor 
poration  of  the  National  Bank  —  had  been  conceived 
by  Hamilton,  justified  by  his  arguments,  and  carried 
through  Congress  in  no  small  degree  by  his  strenuous 
endeavors  and  powerful  influence.  By  their  fruits 
his  statesmanship  would  inevitably  be  judged  by  the 
people  ;  nor  can  a  better  test  be  applied  to-day.  For 
tunately  their  results  were  not  such  as  to  leave  the 
question  in  any  doubt ;  their  favorable  influence  upon 
the  prosperity  of  the  country  was  marked  and  imme 
diate.  The  wreck  made  by  the  storm  of  speculation 
was  soon  cleared  away,  and  immediately  upon  every 
side  enterprise  was  seen  succeeding  stagnation,  suc 
cess  taking  the  place  of  failure.  At  length  the  people 
had  a  sufficient  supply  of  trustworthy  currency  to 
enable  them  to  conduct  their  business  with  ease  and 
freedom.  Merchants  and  traders  in  good  repute  were 
able  to  obtain  loans  on  reasonable  terms.  The  effect 
was  instantaneous.  Cities,  towns,  and  villages  started 
into  lively  growth  beneath  the  beneficent  influence. 
The  seaports  throve  with  increasing  foreign  trade  in 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  371 

spite  of  the  malign  influence  of  the  commercial  regu 
lations  of  Great  Britain,  which  bore  with  peculiar 
hardship  upon  the  merchants  of  the  United  States. 
A  commerce  with  India  and  China,  lately  established, 
was  already  assuming  encouraging  proportions.  The 
coasting  trade  began  to  develop  rapidly.  Agriculture 
responded  to  the  same  quickening  forces  ;  the  farmers 
found  prospects  so  gratifying  that  they  were  tempted 
to  extend  operations.  Emigration  westward  and 
the  redemption  of  wild  lands  naturally  ensued. 
Manufactures  shared  the  general  animation.  Popu 
lation  and  wealth  were  visibly  increasing,  and  the 
cheerfulness  and  good-will  attendant  on  prosperity 
made  the  secretary  and  his  policy  so  popular  among 
the  people  at  large  that  he  could  well  afford  for  the 
time  to  endure  without  disquietude  the  loud  outcries 
of  angry  politicians. 

The  national  finances  experienced  the  benefit  of 
such  a  condition  of  things.  Increasing  business 
brought  increasing  revenues,  and  improving  profits 
caused  the  taxes  to  be  paid  without  grumbling. 
Indeed  the  people  hardly  felt  the  burden  of  taxation, 
and  a  skilfully  devised  and  well-managed  system  pro 
duced  punctual  payment,  accompanied  with  much 
better  feeling  than  had  attended  the  habitual  neglect 
of  payment  prevailing  under  the  old  and  mischievous 
State  customs-laws.  European  nations  had  watched 
with  no  little  interest  the  success  of  the  new  experi 
ment.  Their  early  incredulity  quickly  gave  way 
before  the  spectacle  displayed  to  their  observa 
tion.  Unequivocal  tokens  of  confidence,  respect, 
and  friendship,  equally  gratifying  and  novel,  were 
manifested.  "  All  my  accounts  from  Europe,"  wrote 


372  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Hamilton  to  Washington,  "  both  private  and  official, 
concur  in  proving  that  the  impressions  now  enter 
tained  of  our  government  and  its  affairs,  throughout 
that  quarter  of  the  globe,  are  of  a  nature  the  most 
flattering  and  pleasing."  European  statesmen  were 
able  critics  and  European  capitalists  were  shrewd 
judges  in  such  matters. 

The  statements  of  Hamilton's  letter,  reiterated  in 
many  quarters  and  corroborated  by  many  other  indi 
cations,  are  well  borne  out  by  two  facts  occurring  not 
far  from  this  time.  Congress  had  authorized  the 
raising  of  a  foreign  loan,  in  accordance  with  the  ad 
vice  of  Hamilton.  On  February  15,  1791,  the  sub 
scription  list  was  opened  in  Holland  for  a  loan  of 
two  and  one-half  millions  of  florins.  In  two  hours 
the  whole  sum  had  been  taken,  and  that  too  upon 
terms  better  than  could  be  made  by  any  European 
power  with  the  exception  of  a  single  one.  Since  the 
peace,  Great  Britain  had  treated  the  United  States 
with  that  offensive  insolence  which  marks  her  beha 
vior  in  most  cases  where  fear  or  self-interest  do  not 
compel  her  to  civility.  In  every  respect  in  her  power 
she  had  been  as  arrogant  and  as  injurious  as  possible. 
No  sooner  did  she  see  a  strong  government  established, 
national  prosperity  rapidly  advancing,  and  unmistak 
able  indications  of  power  and  wealth  at  hand  for  the 
new  people,  than  she  began  to  overcome  her  preju 
dices,  to  forget  her  hostility,  to  bury  the  painful  past, 
and  to  make  up  her  mind  that  she  might  as  well 
establish  friendly  diplomatic  relations  and  send  a 
minister  across  the  Atlantic.  It  was  a  humiliation, 
but  the  Court  of  St.  James  decided  to  suffer  it ;  and 
Mr.  Hammond  was  accredited  as  the  first  resident 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  373 

diplomatic  representative   of  Great   Britain   in   this 
country. 

The  credit  for  this  condition  of  things  was  given 
by  the  people  almost  exclusively  to  Hamilton,  who 
seemed  to  his  alarmed  opponents  to  be  about  to  over 
shadow  the  whole  administration,  and  to  draw  all 
real  power  within  his  own  potent  grasp.  So  far  did 
the  anti-federalists  carry  their  dread  of  the  influence 
thus  acquired  lay  him  in  the  performance  of  his 
numerous  and  interesting  public  duties,  that  in  the 
second  Congress  they  sought  to  sap  it  indirectly  by 
checking  the  flood  of  references  to  him,  and  even 
keeping  from  him  certain  important  subjects  nat- 
urally  belonging  in  the  treasury  domain.  The  most 
striking  example  of  this  conduct  was  seen  in  the 
strenuous  effort,  which  was  headed  by  the  Virginians, 
to  prevent  the  question  of  ways  and  means  from  being 
referred  to  Hamilton  for  a  report  by  him  thereon. 
An  obstinate  opposition  was  based  substantially  upon 
a  very  singular  line  of  argument,  being  little  else 
indeed  than  that  the  right  of  originating  money  bills 
rested  with  the  House  of  Representatives  and  was 
incommunicable,  but  that  the  opinion  of  the  secretary 
of  the  treasury  had  such  weight  with  the  House  as 
to  destroy  the  independence  of  the  majority  of  the 
members.  The  Federalists,  it  was  declared,  might 
honestly  believe  that  they  were  impelled  by  the 
reason  of  the  case,  but  in  fact  they  always  must  and 
would  be  utterly  subservient  to  Hamilton's  advice. 
The  argument  was  a  strange  one  to  address  to  the 
House,  being  little  less  than  an  appeal  to  it  to  make 
its  own  mental  and  moral  imbecility  the  basis  of  its 
important  action.  The  intensity  of  the  animosity 


874  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

towards  Hamilton,  which  led  to  so  extraordinary  a 
tribute  to  his  superiority,  may  be  imagined.  It  is 
hardly  needful  to  say  that  the  ill-advised  attempt, 
grounded  upon  so  singular  an  inducement,  met  its 
natural  result  in  a  gross  failure. 

Yet  it  was  not  unnatural  that  persons  who  dis 
trusted  the  wisdom  of  the  course  in  which  Hamilton 
was  treading  should  be  terrified  at  the  spirit,  which 
must  have  seemed  to  them  almost  that  of  obedience, 
in  which  a  majority  in  Congress  had  been  accepting 
his  reports  upon  a  multitude  of  the  gravest  subjects. 
Though  it  is  obvious  that,  if  his  advice  was  really 
wise,  the  adoption  of  it  signified  nothing  in  the  nature 
of  obedience  on  the  part  of  the  legislators  to  an  om 
nipotent  influence  exercised  by  him.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  would  have  been  a  painful  exhibition  of 
weakness  and  folly  had  any  of  his  measures,  founded 
on  sound  reason  and  supported  by  unanswerable 
arguments,  been  rejected  simply  to  avoid  an  appear 
ance  of  political  or  intellectual  servility.  The  simple 
truth  was  that  Hamilton  in  his  reports  to  the  first  two 
Congresses  was  dealing  in  perfect  good  faith  with 
matters  of  which  he  was  fully  a  master.  The  natural 
bent  of  his  genius  aided  his  extensive  research  and 
untiring  industry.  His  intentions  were  perfectly 
patriotic  and  honest,  It  was  a  natural  result  that 
his  suggestions  carried  conviction. 

Apart  from  the  broad  general  policy  of  which  each 
one  of  his  measures  was  but  a  single  item  among 
many,  and  which  shall  be  discussed  forthwith,  the 
experience  of  years  has  approved  the  excellence  of 
the  machinery  which  he  constructed.  Great  and 
rapid  as  has  been  the  growth  of  the  nation,  the  sys- 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  375 

terns  which  he  established,  which  in  no  small  degree 
he  actually  originated,  have  shown  a  power  of  expan 
sion  and  adaptation  deserving  to  be  called  wonderful. 
The  Treasury  service  and  the  Revenue  service,  with 
only  such  modifications  as  time  brings  about  in  all 
human  affairs,  are  substantially  the  same  which  he 
devised,  and  if  attended  with  honesty  and  efficiency 
in  execution  they  are  believed  to  be  inferior  to  none 
in  the  world.  So  long  as  Hamilton  remained  in  ex 
ecutive  control  of  the  department,  neither  honesty 
nor  efficiency  were  wanting.  He  was  too  keen  a 
man  of  the  world  to  repose  over-much  faith  in  the 
integrity  of  numerous  officials ;  too  just  to  overtax 
their  powers  of  resisting  temptation.  His  own  belief 
in  thorough  and  abundant  checks  was  manifested 
whenever  occasion  offered.  As  the  spirit  of  the  leader 
is  said  to  animate  the  host,  he  took  good  care  that 
industry,  promptitude,  regularity,  and  accuracy  should 
distinguish  his  subordinates.  He  held  every  one  to 
the  full  and  strict  performance  of  his  individual  duty. 
Yet  he  was  liberal  in  acknowledging  merit,  and  not 
greedy  of  assuming  all  the  glory  as  well  as  the  power 
to  himself.  When  the  death  of  Mr.  Eveleigh  left  the 
comptrollership  of  the  treasury  vacant,  Hamilton 
wrote  to  Washington  strongly  recommending  the 
promotion  of  the  auditor,  Oliver  Wolcott,  to  the 
vacant  place.  "  I  think,"  he  said,  "  that  many  per 
sons  will  urge  upon  you  the  names  of  their  several 
friends  and  none  perhaps  will  mention  him ;  but  I 
ought  to  say  that  I  owe  to  him  much  of  whatever 
success  may  have  attended  the  merely  executive 
operations  of  the  department." 

The    several    great    measures    which    have   been 


376  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

passed  in  review  constitute  the  chief  part  of  what 
may  be  called  the  organizing  and  characterizing 
legislation  of  the  new  government.  In  the  former 
of  these  two  aspects,  as  achievements  in  the  way 
of  organization  simply,  they  command  admiration. 
Statesmen  have  grown  famous  in  history  with 
out  accomplishing  any  thing  so  difficult  as  the 
initiation  and  complete  arrangement  of  a  revenue 
system  for  a  commercial  nation,  the  reduction  of 
order  and  solvency  out  of  such  a  desperate  financial 
chaos  as  existed  in  the  United  States  in  1790,  the 
incorporation  of  a  National  Bank  amid  the  ignorance 
and  prejudice  in  spite  of  which  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  came  into  successful  operation,  the  composition 
and  vindication  of  a  protective  tariff.  Success  in  all 
these  and  many  other  arduous  labors  had  been  brought 
about  by  Hamilton,  not  from  a  well-prepared  basis 
for  his  operations,  but  out  of  a  mass  of  impediments 
and  difficulties.  He  had  not  to  write  out  his  scheme 
upon  fresh  tablets,  which  would  have  been  an  ex 
acting  task  enough  ;  but  upon  tablets  which  were 
scrawled  and  battered  all  over  with  the  marks  of 
many  struggles,  many  defeats,  and  infinite  consequent 
ill-temper  he  was  compelled  first  to  restore  a  surface 
capable  of  receiving  new  and  wise  impressions,  and 
then  to  make  the  impressions  themselves. 

As  has  been  already  remarked,  the  extent  of  Hamil 
ton's  functions  was  by  no  means  narrowly  construed, 
and  pretty  much  every  thing  which  it  was  possible  to 
refer  to  him  was  so  disposed  of.  Of  the  ability  and 
thoroughness  with  which  his  manifold  labors  were 
performed  there  was  no  question  made  at  the  time, 
and  the  lapse  of  years  has  proved  the  verdict  of  appro- 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  377 

bation,  then  rendered,  to  have  been  amply  deserved. 
The  good  or  bad  policy  of  his  measures  was  a  differ 
ent  matter,  to  be  determined  upon  a  consideration  of 
the  wisdom,  of  the  ends  which  those  measures  were 
intended  to  accomplish.  But  that  the  measures 
themselves,  regarded  as  intellectual  productions  and 
as  means  towards  the  ends  held  in  view  by  their 
framer,  could  not  have  been  surpassed  was  admitted 
upon  all  sides.  Indeed,  the  old  objection  which  had 
been  made  to  Hamilton  in  the  New  York  convention 
was  now  again  renewed.  He  was  declared  to  over 
shadow  too  much  his  rivals  and  contemporaries  in 
ability.  Those  who  thought  with  him  were  called 
the  victims  of  his  wonderful  powers ;  those  who 
opposed  him  were  said  to  be  unable  to  compel  even 
the  right  cause  to  triumph,  because  they  were  so 
unequal  to  a  contest  with  him. 

But  an  exceptional  and  a  peculiarly  trying  ordeal 
must  be  passed  by  these  measures  ere  they  can  be 
fully  approved.  Not  alone  the  skill  with  which  they 
were  devised,  or  the  ability  with  which  they  were 
brought  into  operation,  but  the  statesmanship  which 
they  involved  must  be  considered  ;  and  this  last  is  far 
the  most  important  question  which  has  to  be  decided. 
When  a  minister  steps  into  his  position  in  the  due 
order  of  succession,  with  a  long  array  of  traditions 
and  precedents  behind  him  to  aid  his  judgment,  it  is 
comparatively  easy  for  him  to  move  forward.  The 
long  road  stretching  behind  him  shows  the  course 
upon  which  the  nation  is  travelling  ;  he  must  cir 
cumvent  the  particular  obstacles  which  may  occur  in 
his  portion  of  the  path  in  the  best  way  in  which  he 
can,  and  his  success  in  doing  so  can  be  determined  at 


378  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

least  after  the  lapse  of  a  little  time,  and  in  the  major 
ity  of  cases  with  a  gratifying  approximation  to  una 
nimity.  But  these  measures  of  Hamilton  as  they 
presented  unwonted  difficulties  in  the  matter  of 
original  determination  therefore  require  more  careful 
examination  before  the  rendition  of  judgment  upon 
them,  and  entitle  him  to  proportionally  greater  glory 
in  the  event  of  approval.  He  had  not  to  push  for 
ward  upon  a  road  of  which  the  general  direction  had 
been  already  settled ;  he  had  to  survey  the  prospect 
and  decide  upon  the  direction  and  then  to  initiate 
the  national  motion  in  that  direction.  No  one  of  the 
foregoing  measures  can  be  passed  upon  simply  in 
the  light  of  its  sufficiency  as  a  working  engine,  of 
the  perfection  of  its  parts  or  their  adaptability  to 
secure  immediate  practical  ends.  Each  one  of  them 
had  a  direct  and  powerful  political  bearing.  Together 
they  performed  the  chief  part  in  determining  the 
destiny  of  the  country.  They  were  not  simply  con 
venient  executive  arrangements ;  they  were  very 
potent  influences,  controlling  the  future  of  the 
United  States.  They  did  not  simply  constitute  the 
policy  of  an  administration  leaving  effects  either 
short-lived  or  quickly  merged  amid  a  mass  of  new 
forces  and  fresh  interests.  They  gave  to  the  national 
government  the  character  which  it  was  to  sustain 
and  develop,  as  must  now  be  believed,  so  long  as  it 
shall  continue  to  exist.  It  is  obvious  therefore  that 
they  deserve  the  peculiar  description  of  character 
izing  measures,  and  that  as  such  they  enjoy  an 
exceptional  importance  and  demand  an  especial 
discussion. 

By  the  time  that  these  measures  had  all  been  dis- 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  379 

cussed,  and  decisions  concerning  them  respectively 
had  been  reached  or  assured,  party  lines  had  become 
very  clearly  drawn,  party  discipline  had  become  very 
thorough,  and  party  feeling  was  running  very  high; 
and  it  was  with  reference  to  these  questions  that  these 
party  distinctions  had  been  established.  No  other 
topics  of  a  character  to  divide  the  people  into  perma 
nent  parties  had  arisen.  A  sharp  discussion  concerning 
slavery  and  the  slave  trade  had  been  provoked  by  the 
presentation  of  certain  anti-slavery  memorials  from  the 
Quakers  of  Pennsylvania  and  other  quarters.  Much 
harsh  language  had  been  used  and  some  displays  of 
anger  had  occurred,  but  the  gust  had  subsided  and 
had  given  way  to  perfect  tranquillity.  The  debates 
as  to  the  location  of  the  national  capital  had  excited 
much  personal  feeling  and  developed  many  jarring 
interests.  But  there  was  no  material  in  this  selfish 
dispute  out  of  which  to  create  great  and  permanent 
political  parties.  It  was  the  measures  of  the  secre 
tary  of  the  treasury  alone  which  dealt  with  such 
subjects,  suggested  such  schemes,  and  inaugurated 
such  systems  as  to  form  a  sufficient,  natural,  in 
evitable  source  of  serious  and  lasting  discordance  of 
opinion. 

The  same  two  parties  which  had  divided  the  coun 
try  upon  the  question  of  the  adoption  of  the  Constitu 
tion  now  again  divided  it.  The  achievement  of  that 
adoption  had  been  only  a  great  victory  won  early  in 
a  long  war.  The  substantial  point  which  had  been 
involved  in  that  earlier  issue  still  survived,  and  was 
not  yet  definitively  decided  beyond  the  hope  or  the 
danger  of  reversal.  The  question  then  had  been 
whether  there  should  be  a  strong,  centralized,  national 


880  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

jwernment,  and  the  same  question  was  still  an  open 
one/VThe  first  stage  of  the  contest  only  had  been 
passed  when  the  Constitution  was  adopted ;  the  first 
stricken  field  only  had  then  been  lost  by  the  oppo 
nents  of  such  a  government.  A  second  stage  was 
reached  when  Washington  was  inaugurated,  and  a 
very  different  species  of  conflict  was  thereafter  for  a 
time  to  be  waged ;  a  conflict  long  and  dubious,  and  of 
so  indefinite  and  general  a  character  that  it  could  not 
be  solved  shortly,  sharply,  decisively,  like  the  former. 
By  those  acts  of  adoption  and  inauguration  a  national 
government  became  an  existence  in  the  country ; 
but  it  was  still  possible  to  make  consolidation  a  form, 
to  render  this  government  a  nerveless  absurdity  as 
impotent  for  either  good  or  harm  as  the  anti-consti 
tution  party  conceived  that  the  central  government 
should  be.  Hamilton's  measures  therefore  were  not 
so  much  the  cause  of  difference  as  they  were  the  sub 
ject-matter  concerning  which  pre-existing  differences 
must  become  re-invigorated. 

This  condition  of  things  was  as  obvious  to  the 
actors  in  the  midst  of  events  as  it  is  to  us,  who  look 
back  and  survey  the  whole  field  and  know  the  results 
as  well  as  the  occurrences.  George  Cabot,  a  promi 
nent  Federalist  in  Massachusetts,  plainly  expressed 
what  all  the  statesmen  of  his  party  felt,  when  in  1790 
he  wrote :  "I  never  considered  the  National  Govern 
ment  as  being  more  than  half  established  by  the 
nominal  acceptance  of  the  form.  To  take  from  our 
newspapers  the  metaphor  they  have  used,  it  was  an 
arch:  but  to  me,  the  key-stone  was  wanting.  The 
actual  exercise  of  certain  powers,  to  the  exclusion  of 
the  States,  would  be  finishing  the  work.  Till  this 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  381 

takes  place  I  cannot  think  the  country  completely 
safe  from  the  danger  of  disunion,  and  consequently 
anarchy  and  wretchedness." 

The  emasculation  of  the  new  government  could  be 
accomplished  by  either  of  two  methods.  The  most 
obvious  of  these  was  to  render  the  first  administration 
BO  unpopular  and  unsatisfactory  in  its  working  and 
results,  that  the  experiment  would  be  declared  a 
failure  and  the  Constitution  would  be  repudiated. 
But  there  were  grave  objections  to  the  means  which 
it  would  have  been  necessary  to  emplo}^  in  order  to 
compass  this  end.  To  have  assumed  the  function  of 
obstructionists,  to  have  put  themselves  in  the  position 
in  which  they  could  be  charged  before  the  people 
with  wilfully  and  maliciously  preventing  the  fair  trial 
of  the  new  scheme,  would  have  been  ill  policy  in  the 
leaders  of  the  opposition  party.  They  would  cast 
the  popular  sympathy  upon  the  side  of  those  who 
appeared  to  be  unjustly  thwarted  and  vexatiously 
stayed  in  their  honest  endeavors  to  enter  upon  the 
undertaking  which  the  people  had  sanctioned.  The 
trial  must  be  made  :  even  the  anti-federalists  were 
obliged  to  recognize  this  fact,  and  to  see  the  folly  of 
rendering  that  trial  an  imperfect  and  therefore  an 
inconclusive  one.  So  in  the  beginning  it  was  alleged 
that  it  was  not  the  policy  of  the  opponents  of  the 
Constitution  to  throw  needless  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  its  operation. 

The  second  and  far  more  feasible  process  by  which 
the  new  government  could  be  reduced  to  a  satisfac 
tory  condition  of  imbecility  was  by  the  curtailment 
of  the  powers  and  functions  pertaining  to  it  under 
the  Constitution.  In  doing  this,  an  appearance  of 


382  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDEK  HAMILTON. 

good  faith,  even  of  respect  and  regard  for  the  new 
Constitution,  could  be  easily  assumed.  A  very  wide 
field  of  operations  was  presented,  and  the  dangerous 
results  of  a  victory  of  the  party  of  disorder  were  far 
from  being  so  obvious  or  so  immediate.  The  tactics 
of  the  anti-federalists  were  therefore  to  act  strictly 
under  the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  to  profess  per 
fect  obedience  to  its  mandates — indeed  rather  to 
magnify  the  reverence  due  to  it  —  but  always  to  apply 
to  it  the  most  rigid  construction  which  its  phraseology 
would  permit.  No  word  or  sentence  was  to  be  taken 
to  mean  any  more  than  it  absolutely  must  mean,  or 
to  imply  or  involve  any  thing  whatsoever  beyond  its 
naked  force. 

Of  course  the  Federalists  entered  upon  precisely 
the  opposite  undertaking.  They  might  almost  be 
said  by  their  strenuous  and  resolute  exertions  to 
have  forced  upon  a  reluctant,  sceptical  people  the 
adoption  of  a  Constitution  under  which  an  efficient 
government  was  possible.  A  scheme  grounded  in 
such  faith,  and  initiated  by  such  labor,  was  natu 
rally  too  great  a  favorite  with  its  projectors  to  be 
readily  allowed  by  them  to  become  by  an  insidious 
process  at  once  corrupted  and  useless.  It  was 
their  firm  intention  that  the  new  government  should 
be  such  as  should  vindicate  them,  its  sponsors, 
in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  Any  power  desirable  for 
its  success  they  hoped  to  find  in  the  Constitution, 
and  the}'  would  investigate  that  instrument  keenly 
before  they  would  acknowledge  any  serious  omission. 
Their  purpose  was  to  give  to  the  government  as  many 
powers  as  a  fairly  liberal  construction  of  the  Consti 
tution  would  permit ;  with  the  anti-federalists,  the 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  383 

purpose  was  to  give  to  the  government  only  those 
powers  which  under  a  very  strict  construction  of  that 
document  it  was  utterly  impossible  to  refuse.  In 
these  new  lines  of  battle,  the  old  antagonists  found 
themselves  for  the  most  part  facing  each  other  in 
familiar  hostility.  Few  changes  on  the  part  of  indi 
viduals  resulted  from  the  change  of  ground.  The 
most  noteworthy  was  the  crossing  over  of  Madison 
to  the  party  in  opposition.  Side  by  side  with  Hamil 
ton  he  had  fought  the  hard  fight  for  the  Constitu 
tion,  but  as  has  been  seen  in  the  first  two  Congresses 
many,  though  not  quite  all,  of  the  measures  of  the 
secretary  of  the  treasury  encountered  the  persistent 
opposition  of  his  old  friend  and  colleague.  The 
breach  which  was  opened  somewhat  slowty,  and  at 
first  not  unkindly,  between  Madison  and  the  Federal 
ists  was  widened  by  degrees,  until  he  became  an 
acknowledged  chief  in  the  opposite  ranks.  Perhaps 
Madison  acted  from  conviction  in  this  matter  ;  but  he 
is  not  altogether  free  from  a  suspicion  of  interested 
motives.  He  had  strong  political  ambition,  and  was 
desirous  of  continuing  permanently  in  public  life.  His 
first  effort  to  do  so  after  the  adoption  of  the  Consti 
tution  taught  him  a  lesson  which  subsequent  events 
confirmed.  Virginia  was  ruled  by  the  anti-federal 
party,  and  no  person  of  any  other  political  creed 
could  hope  for  success  in  that  State.  The  opposition 
which  was  soon  organized  against  Hamilton  found  its 
chief  strength  and  most  valued  leaders  there.  Jeffer 
son,  Monroe,  Giles,  Randolph,  Madison,  all  Virgin 
ians,  seemed  to  form  what  might  almost  be  called  a 
cabal  against  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  their 
fellow-citizens  heartily  espoused  their  cause.  Had 


384  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Madison  stood  aloof  from  this  connection,  his  pros 
pects  of  a  public  career  would  have  been  quite  hope 
lessly  dashed. 

Anti-federalism  still  finds  its  defenders,  though 
not  under  this  name  have  the  sentiments  of  the  party 
of  Jefferson  and  Madison  been  since  asserted.  The 
title  was  always  offensive  to  them,  and  they  hastened 
to  repudiate  it  and  to  adopt  another  with  the  best 
speed  they  could.  They  declared  that  their  oppo 
nents  had  wrongfully  usurped  a  popular  name  in 
calling  themselves  Federalists,  for  that  the  new  Con 
stitution  did  not  establish  a  federal  form  of  govern 
ment,  but  one  much  too  consolidated  and  centralized 
to  deserve  that  description.  They  claimed  them 
selves  to  be  the  advocates  of  the  true  federal  theory, 
which  correctly  implied  a  league  much  less  closely 
bound  together,  and  conferring  much  more  restricted 
powers  upon  the  central  sovereignty.  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  merits  of  this  linguistic  dispute, 
the  practical  success  rested  with  the  friends  of  the 
new  Constitution.  Federalists  they  called  them 
selves,  and  Federalists  they  continued  to  be  called 
by  others,  until  the  shifting  of  the  grounds  of  party 
division  made  the  designation  no  longer  significant  or 
useful.  Their  opponents,  unable  to  dispossess  them 
of  the  appellation,  and  by  no  means  fancying  the 
negative  and  unpopular  name  of  anti-federalists, 
adopted  during  Washington's  first  administration  the 
title  of  Republicans.  But  their  enemies  called  them 
Democrats ;  and  this  term  was  soon  in  as  frequent 
use  as  the  other.  Certainly  "  Republican  "  was  as 
much  a  misnomer  as  was  "Federalist."  The  govern 
ment  which  the  Federalists  were  establishing  was  a 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.     385 

republic  ;  and  it  was  because  it  was  a  republic  that 
it  did  not  commend  itself  to  men  who  avowed  that 
they  wished  to  see  only  a  federal  league.  The  ob 
jection  to  the  republic  and  the  preference  for  the 
league  grew  out  of  the  superior  degree  of  power 
lodged  in  the  central  government  under  the  former 
system.  Naturally  when  the  system  had  become  an 
established  fact,  and  the  league  was  no  longer  practi 
cable,  the  persons  who  objected  to  the  centralization 
of  power  continued  to  seek  the  curtailment  of  that 
power  by  the  best  means  that  came  to  hand.  In 
pursuing  this  object  they  fell  into  the  doctrines  of  a 
nearly  pure  democracy.  The  United  States  is  to-day 
a  republic,  both  in  form  and  in  spirit,  because  the 
Federal  party  first  created  the  form  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  then,  remaining  in  control  during  the  three 
first  administrations,  construed  the  Constitution,  and 
inspired  into  the  form  a  spirit  which  has  never  since 
been  withdrawn.  Had  anti-federalism  prevailed  in 
the  earlier  stage,  the  form  itself  of  a  republic  would 
have  been  wanting,  and  have  been  supplied  by  a 
league.  Had  anti-federalism  prevailed  in  the  second 
stage,  the  form  of  a  republic  would  have  been  ani 
mated  by  the  uncongenial  spirit  of  a  democracy.  It 
appears,  therefore,  that  by  a  strictly  appropriate  use 
of  terms  the  so-called  Federal  party,  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  should  have  been  named 
"  Republicans,"  and  the  anti-federalists  should  have 
been  called  Federalists ;  but  after  the  Constitution 
went  into  effect,  the  former  party  should  have  re 
tained  the  name  of  Republican,  and  their  opponents 
should  have  been  known,  as  in  time  they  came  to  be, 
by  the  designation  of  "  Democrats."  The  lax  use  of 
VOL.  i.  25 


386  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

language   is  quite    misleading  until   it   is   fully   ex 
plained. 

It  is  natural  that  a  party  which  had  for  its  leaders 
such  men  as  Jefferson  and  Madison,  which  came  into 
power  at  the  close  of  the  twelfth  year  of  the  exist 
ence  of  the  United  States  and  remained  in  the  con 
trol  of  affairs  until  the  old  party  lines  had  become 
obliterated  and  been  succeeded  by  new  distinctions, 
should  divide  with  its  opponents  the  allegiance  of 
historians  and  of  posterity.  Yet  the  comparison  be 
tween  the  two  has  never  been  fairly  made.  When 
Republicanism  came  to  the  fore  and  Jefferson  was 
made  president,  disappointing  Mr.  Adams  of  his 
second  term,  the  triumph  was  won  upon  a  fresh 
battle-ground.  New  questions  had  superseded  the 
original  causes  of  difference.  The  old  division  of 
parties  was  indeed  in  some  degree  preserved  upon 
these  new  questions.  The  men  who  formed  the  nu 
cleus  of  the  Federal  party  in  1789  were  still  Federal 
ists  in  1801,  and  the  anti-federalists  of  1789  were 
the  Republicans  of  1801.  But  the  discussion  is  of 
measures,  not  of  men.  The  political  problems  of 
1801  were  not  those  of  1789,  but  a  widely  different 
set.  It  is  not  now  in  place  to  discuss  the  merits  of 
Federalism  or  of  Republicanism  in  1801  ;  that  con 
troversy  will  be  reached  in  due  time.  But  for  the 
present  it  should  be  clearly  understood  that  entirely 
distinct  issues  demand  our  judgment.  Those  who 
may  take  Republican  views  in  1801  may  take  Federal 
views  during  the  preceding  years  without  inconsis 
tency,  —  as  indeed  many  persons  did,  or  the  majority 
of  votes  in  the  country  would  not  have  undergone 
so  decided  a  shifting. 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  387 

The  matters  which  had  to  be  settled  under  General 
Washington  had  been  finally  settled  and  disposed  of 
before  Mr.  Jefferson  came  to  the  exercise  of  the  presi 
dential  functions.  At  the  latter  period  it  was  no 
longer  an  open  controversy  whether  the  national 
government  was  to  be  strong  or  weak ;  whether  it 
was  to  exercise  liberally  extended  or  jealously  limited 
powers ;  whether  the  Constitution  was  to  receive  a 
generous  or  a  niggard  interpretation.  The  government 
was  firmly  established,  and  working  at  once  forcibly 
and  smoothly ;  its  principal  powers  had  been  claimed, 
assumed,  developed,  exercised.  The  Constitution  had 
in  its  most  important  and  dubious  parts  received  a  con 
struction  never  to  be  reversed.  Mr.  Jefferson  stepped 
into  the  midst  of  an  established  order  of  things,  and 
it  is  fortunate  for  the  country,  as  it  is  creditable 
to  himself,  that  he  made  no  great  amount  of  disturb 
ance  in  that  order.  When  the  power  was  in  his  own 
hands,  he  was  no  more  anxious  in  his  heart  to  cur 
tail  it  than  most  holders  of  power  have  been.  He 
manifested  no  uncontrollable  tendency  to  degrade  the 
position  which  he  himself  filled.  He  could  still  talk 
and  write  in  his  lavish,  irresponsible  fashion ;  but  in 
stern  practice  he  was  amenable  to  circumstances,  and 
forgot  his  abstractions  and  speculative  dogmas  in  a 
very  commendable  manner.  During  the  many  years 
in  which  his  party  were  in  power,  they  could,  had 
they  chosen  to  set  about  the  business  with  a  persis 
tent,  laborious  temper,  have  undone  nearly  or  quite 
all  the  achievements  of  their  predecessors.  Yet  they 
were  content  to  make  few  serious  or  permanent 
changes  in  the  structure  of  the  government.  Where 
fore  it  is  fair  to  say  that,  if  Federalism  under  Wash- 


388  LITE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ington  was  wrong,  Republicanism  under  Jefferson 
and  Madison  was  at  least  content  to  allow  the  errors 
to  survive. 

The  question  whether  Federalism  was  right  or 
wrong  under  Washington's  administrations,  more 
especially  under  his  first  administration  when  the 
measures  which  have  been  narrated  took  place,  is 
simply  a  question  whether  it  was  well  to  have  a 
strong  or  a  weak  central  government,  —  one  having 
many  powers,  or  one  having  few;  one  having  large 
authority,  or  one  having  narrow ;  one  containing  in 
itself  potentialities  equivalent  to  probable  emergencies, 
or  one  likely  to  prove  helpless  in  times  of  trial ;  one 
having  many  points  of  contact  and  influence  in  re 
spect  of  the  governed  individuals,  or  one  having  very 
few  avenues  for  reaching  the  love,  respect,  and  obe 
dience  of  its  subjects.  It  ought  not  to  be  difficult  to 
answer  such  an  interrogatory.  At  least  it  is  worth 
while  to  reflect  that  to  defend  the  anti-federalism  of 
those  days  is  to  charge  the  United  States  with  being 
in  no  small  degree  a  failure.  For  the  history  of  the 
country  shows  that  the  strength,  the  centralization, 
the  consolidation  conferred  by  Federalism  upon  the 
national  government  has  been  not  only  fully  main 
tained  without  long-continued  or  serious  interruption 
to  the  present  day,  but  that  as  the  result  of  the  action 
of  that  period  these  characteristics  have  since  then 
been  largely  developed.  It  is  impossible  to  say  that 
the  administration  to-day  is  not  vastly  more  powerful, 
more  far-reaching,  more  close  to  the  individual,  in  the 
habitual  exercise  of  a  far  greater  number  of  functions, 
more  accustomed  to  assume  control  of  business  affairs 
and  matters  of  detail  than  the  most  zealous  Federalist 


THE   TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.     389 

in  the  last  century  would  have  thought  possible.  Yet 
the  government  has  not  been  found  dangerously 
strong,  nor  is  it  yet  believed  to  be  verging  upon 
despotism. 

The  vehemence  with  which  the  doctrine  of  implied 
and  resulting  powers  set  forth  by  Hamilton  was  at 
tacked  at  the  time  was  quite  natural;  for  certainly 
the  Constitution  could  be  read  in  either  of  two 
ways,  and  the  character  of  the  government  was 
still  to  be  determined.  But  what  is  to  be  thought  of 
historical  writers  of  the  present  day,  who,  in  the 
laudation  of  Hamilton's  leading  opponents,  do  not 
hesitate  to  assert  that  he  was  in  error  in  the  promul 
gation  of  his  great  political  creed  ?  What  small  pro 
portions  do  the  implied  and  resulting  powers  claimed 
by  him  bear  to  those  claimed  and  exercised  by  the 
government  during  the  civil  war  ?  How  simple  and 
natural  do  the  assumptions  of  authority  which  he 
justified  appear  beside  the  assumptions  which  have 
lately  occurred,  have  been  defended  and  approved 
by  the  nation,  and  have  passed  into  precedent! 
What  would  a  Federalist  of  1790  have  thought  of 
Mr.  Whiting's  famous  work  upon  the  "  War  Powers 
under  the  Constitution  "  ?  Perchance  he  might  have 
been  pleased  with  it.  Doubtless  Hamilton's  strong 
mind  and  vigorous  temper  would  have  adopted  joy 
ously  a  doctrine  of  authority  so  adequate  to  a  vital 
emergency.  But  what  prospect  would  he  have  fore 
seen  of  the  patient  submission  of  the  people  to  any 
such  views  !  Surely  those  who  are  disposed  to  de 
fend  the  administration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  assail 
with  any  consistency  the  policy  which  controlled  the 
administrations  of  Washington.  Those  who  remem- 


390  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ber  the  terrors  of  1861,  who  appreciate  in  what 
difficulties  the  government  stood  by  reason  of  con 
stitutional  restrictions  and  legal  doubts,  will  surely 
not  say  that  the  government  was  too  strong,  or  too 
consolidated,  or  too  centralized.  That  a  national 
government  endured  so  long,  that  it  was  able  to  last 
until  it  had  gradually  obtained  such  cohesion,  and 
had  so  founded  itself  in  the  affection  of  the  people  as 
to  be  able  to  resist  a  powerful  attempt  at  disruption, 
is  due  to  the  success  of  Federalism  in  the  early  days 
of  the  republic.  It  would  have  been  but  a  sickly 
child  that  anti-federalism  would  have  nursed.  Slen 
der  powers  and  a  feeble  vitality  would  have  attracted 
rather  contempt  than  love.  Had  life  survived  until 
1861  there  would  have  been  nothing  more  than  mere 
life,  no  power  of  exertion,  no  force  to  enter  into  a 
terrible  contest  for  life  and  death.  The  people  would 
have  seen  nothing  worth  fighting  for,  as  they  would 
have  had  no  government  fit  to  fight  under.  The  com 
parative  merits  of  Federalism  and  of  anti-federalism 
have  never  been  passed  upon  by  the  people,  like  the 
principle  of  secession,  and  so  perpetually  determined. 
But  surely  the  subsequent  history  of  the  United 
States  is  the  vindication  of  Federalism ;  that  is  to 
say,  of  early  Federalism,  of  Federalism  under  Wash 
ington,  of  Federalism  at  that  period  when  the  party 
divisions  were  drawn  upon  constitutional  questions. 
What  was  then  the  Federalist  theory  has  continued 
ever  since  to  be  the  theory  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States.  It  has  been  developed  and  carried  to 
a  degree  of  extension  vastly  greater  than  was  con 
templated  in  those  earlier  days.  Under  its  influence 
whatever  of  power  and  prosperity  belongs  to  the 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  391 

country  has  been  achieved.  By  the  aid  of  its  opera 
tion  the  nation  has  gone  through  a  struggle  in  which 
otherwise  the  national  government  must,  humanly 
speaking,  have  succumbed.  The  very  existence  of 
the  national  government  to-day,  in  its  power  and  its 
efficiency,  in  its  influence  and  its  foundation  in  the 
hearts  of  its  subjects,  is  the  monument  as  it  is  chiefly 
the  result  of  the  early  doctrines  of  Federalism. 

It  is  perhaps  just  to  say  that  the  defence  of  Feder 
alism  is  not  fully  made  out  by  the  preceding  argu 
ments,  even  if  their  truth  be  admitted  ;  that  it  is  not 
sufficient  vindication  to  show  that  the  Federalists 
developed  an  admirable  frame  of  government.  The 
question  remains,  Could  they  honestly  do  so  ?  The 
Constitution  was  the  law  of  the  land,  which  Federal 
ists  no  less  than  all  others  were  bound  to  obey.  No 
party  had  the  lawful  right  to  present  to  the  people 
any  other  government  than  that  which  the  Constitu 
tion  provided.  This  was  the  anti-federalist  argu 
ment.  They  said  that  the  Constitution  was  being 
perverted  and  foreign  matter  introduced  into  it. 
Yet,  if  two  constructions  were  possible,  surely  any 
person  was  at  liberty  to  adopt  either  he  might  see  fit ; 
and  can  any  judge  pretend  to  say  that  two  construc 
tions  were  not  possible  in  view  of  the  number  of 
intelligent  and  honest  men  who  divided  upon  the 
subject  ? 

"  There  are  some  things,"  said  Hamilton,  "  which 
the  government  has  clearly  a  right  to  do.  There  are 
others  it  clearly  has  no  right  to  meddle  with ;  and 
there  is  a  good  deal  of  middle  ground ;  some  of  this 
may  have  been  occupied  by  the  National  Legislature. 
But  this  is  no  evidence  of  a  desire  to  get  rid  of 


392  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

limitations  in  the  Constitution."  Certainly  in  nearly 
ninety  years  the  people  of  the  United  States,  though 
enjoying  ample  opportunity,  have  never  manifested 
any  desire  that  the  government  should  recede  from 
any  of  the  "  middle  ground  "  occupied  by  it  in  the 
last  century. 

The  constitutionality  of  Federalism,  the  soundness 
of  federal  constructions,  have  been  declared  in  many 
decisions  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
at  times  when  the  bench  has  been  marked  by  that 
degree  of  learning  and  integrity  which  must  cause 
its  decisions  to  inspire  respect  through  all  sub 
sequent  generations.  Whatever  else  may  be  said 
of  these  opinions,  one  fact  at  least  they  must  be 
acknowledged  to  establish,  —  that  the  Constitution, 
regarded  simply  as  a  legal  document,  criticised  by 
master-critics  in  the  construction  of  such  instru 
ments,  is  perfectly  capable  of  meaning  what  the 
Federalists  said  it  meant.  This  would  settle  the  ethi 
cal  discussion,  for  if  it  could  mean  what  they  wished 
it  to  mean  they  were  justified  in  arguing  that  such 
was  a  proper  construction.  If  it  could  mean  what 
both  parties,  differing  from  each  other,  said  that  it 
did,  then  the  option  between  the  two  constructions 
was  matter  of  politics  or  statesmanship,  and  as  such 
was  necessarily  referable  in  the  last  instance  to  the 
supreme  will  of  the  people.  So  long  as  the  people 
persisted  in  electing  gentlemen  of  Federalist  views, 
it  was  not  only  the  right  but  the  duty  of  the  govern 
ment  to  believe  that  Federalist  views  were  the  views 
of  the  people  ;  that  of  the  two  possible  constructions 
the  Federalist  construction  was  that  which  the  people 
were  pleased  to  adopt.  It  could  not  be  otherwise. 


TEE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  393 

Federalist  congressmen  would  have  been  unfaithful 
to  their  trust  and  to  their  constituents,  had  they 
voted  otherwise  than  for  Federalist  measures.  Exec 
utive  officers,  members  of  the  cabinet,  were  bound  to 
read  the  will  of  the  people  by  the  only  sure  signs 
which  could  be  given  of  that  will.  If  the  people 
chose  to  have  the  Constitution  construed  liberally  — 
not  changed,  but  simply  read  largely  instead  of 
closely  —  surely  they  were  entitled  to  have  it  so. 

The  sectional  aspect  which  the  party  divisions  as 
sumed  was  the  forerunner  of  the  great  sundering 
which  was  developed  seventy  years  later.  Under 
Washington  the  South  is  already  found  arrayed 
against  the  Northern  and  Middle  States.  It  was  the 
financial  measures  of  the  government  which  caused 
this  separation  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  republic. 
A  debate  concerning  slavery,  occurring  in  the  first 
Congress,  had  caused  a  passing  flurry  of  ill-feeling, 
which  however  left  no  permanent  effects  behind  it. 
Indeed,  at  this  period  there  were  only  two  States  in 
the  Union  in  which  no  slaves  were  to  be  found,  and 
the  numbers  in  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey, 
and  Pennsylvania  were  not  inconsiderable.1  But  the 
business  and  money  interests  of  the  different  portions 
of  the  country  were  not  easily  to  be  reconciled.  The 
planters  of  the  South  were  all  in  debt,  most  of  them 
very  deeply  so.  Their  creditors  were  chiefly  in  Great 
Britain,  and  though  the  treaty  of  peace  had  stipu 
lated  that  no  obstacles  should  be  thrown  in  the  way 

1  The  census  taken  immediately  after  the  adoption  of  the  Consti 
tution  showed  that  in  Maine  and  Massachusetts  there  were  no  slaves, 
while  in  New  York  there  were  21,324,  and  in  New  Jersey  there  were 
11;±23.  In  Connecticut  there  were  2,764,  and  in  Pennsylvania  3,737. 


394  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

of  the  due  collection  of  these  debts  by  the  ordinary 
processes  of  the  law,  yet  the  State  legislatures  had 
persistently  ignored  this  provision,  and  the  southern 
debtor  had  been  for  many  years  quite  successful  in 
keeping  his  foreign  creditor  at  arm's  length.  The 
strength  and  system  which  the  new  government  de 
veloped  alarmed  the  planter.  Especially  he  disliked 
to  see  the  principle  of  paying  old  debts  recognized 
and  acted  upon  by  the  nation.  The  government 
appeared  to  be  setting  an  evil  example,  and  giving 
a  dangerous  tone  to  public  opinion.  A  bad  spirit 
seemed  to  him  to  be  abroad.  His  own  settling-day 
might  be  expected  to  come,  and  a  machinery  was 
seen  to  be  framing,  backed  by  an  ample  power  to 
keep  it  in  effective  operation,  which  might  be  too 
strong  to  be  evaded  by  him. 

There  was  no  class  in  the  South  which  was  much 
interested  to  encounter  these  views.  The  influence 
naturally  exercised  by  the  great  lords  of  the  soil  was 
counterbalanced  by  no  influence  of  a  moneyed  class. 
The  prominent  men  were  all  debtors.  They  owned 
lands  and  slaves,  but  no  money  ;  there  was  not  a  capi 
talist  among  them.  Only  an  inconsiderable  proportion 
of  the  public  debt  was  held  at  the  South,  and  this 
was  scattered  in  small  quantities  among  persons  who 
were  only  too  r.eady  to  part  with  it  for  the  most  inad 
equate  prices  to  northern  purchasers.  Consequently 
the  schemes  for  funding  and  honestly  paying  the  debt 
appealed  but  feebly  to  the  selfish  element  in  the 
breasts  of  the  southerners.  There  were  few  to  profit 
by  the  workings  of  Hamilton's  great  measures.  On 
the  contrary  the  taxes  which  he  proposed  to  levy 
bore  very  hardly  upon  them ;  for  they  were  large 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  895 

consumers,  and  all  their  payments  had  to  be  made 
directly  or  indirectly  in  the  shape  of  produce.  This 
system  of  taxation  was  for  them  little  else  than  an 
ingenious  and  offensive  arrangement  for  diminishing 
the  purchasing  power  of  the  only  articles  in  their 
hands  with  which  they  could  purchase.  It  was  sub 
stantially  equivalent  in  its  effect  to  the  confiscation 
of  so  many  acres,  the  killing  of  so  many  slaves.  So 
the  strong  sense  of  self-interest,  working  along  many 
lines,  caused  the  dominant  class  in  society  at  the 
South  to  contemplate  Hamilton's  system  with  any 
feeling  save  that  of  satisfaction. 

In  the  middle  and  northern  States  a  different  con 
dition  of  things  produced  a  contrary  result.  There 
dwelt  the  holders  of  the  certificates  of  the  public 
debt,  an  influential  body,  some  of  them  of  course 
liable  to  be  justly  stigmatized  by  the  odious  name  of 
speculators,  but  by  necessity  holding  or  representing 
no  inconsiderable  amount  of  domestic  capital.  There 
was  the  mercantile  community ;  and  though  the 

erchants  engaged  in  foreign  trade  had  to  pay  the 
duties  in  the  first  instance,  yet  they  understood  well 
enough  that  this  element  of  additional  cost  came  out 
of  the  consumers  in  good  season.  Moreover  trade 
became  brisk  and  its  profits  appeared  gratifying,  so 
that  persons  engaged  in  it  could  not  but  feel  content 
with  the  actual  state  of  things  without  pausing  to 
discuss  causes  and  probabilities.  The  doctrine  of 
protection  was  especially  favorable  to  the  North, 
where  were  both  the  disposition  and,  by  the  aid  of 
the  Bank,  the  capital  to  undertake  the  industrial 
enterprises  which  it  favored.  Yet  it  is  noteworthy 
that  some  items  in  the  tariff  which  were  protective 


396  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

of  agricultural  industry,  as  cordage  and  hemp  for 
instance,  were  warmly  defended  by  Madison  against 
the  opposition  of  the  shipping  interest.  The  Bank 
of  course  was  chiefly  valuable  to  the  middle  and 
northern  States,  where  its  capital  was  wanted  and 
could  be  employed  in  the  ordinary  channels  of  busi 
ness,  and  could  be  borrowed  upon  the  customary 
kinds  of  security.  The  planters  would  have  liked 
their  share  of  the  capital  well  enough,  but  it  was 
quite  beyond  their  reach.  From  beneath  their  debts 
and  mortgages  they  could  not  offer  the  necessary 
inducements. 

The  country  as  a  whole  derived  great  benefit  from 
Hamilton's  measures,  and  the  South,  as  being  a  part 
of  the  whole,  had  some  share  in  the  benefit.  But  it 
was  not  an  immediate,  obvious  share.  On  the  other 
hand  the  share  of  the  North  was  so  direct,  visible,  and 
tangible,  that  it  seemed  to  be  and  perhaps  really  was 
an  inordinate  proportion.  In  the  nature  of  things  this 
could  not  be  helped :  an  equalization  of  advantages 
was  an  impossibility.  The  southerners  can  hardly 
be  blamed  if,  instead  of  being  altogether  philo 
sophical,  they  indulged  in  some  discontent,  in  some 
grumbling  against  the  schemes  which  enriched  their 
neighbors  and  appeared  even  to  impoverish  them 
selves.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  admirers  of 
Hamilton  should  be  numerous  among  the  planters ; 
and  in  truth  they  were  not  so. 

But  through  the  north  and  east  his  praises  resounded. 
Throughout  this  great  area  there  were  plenty  and 
activity,  the  direct  result  of  his  management  of  the 
national  affairs.  Many  persons  had  accumulated 
considerable  sums,  but  the  money  which  they  had  gath- 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  397 

ered  did  not  seem  to  have  been  taken  from  their  neigh 
bors.  Business  was  flourishing ;  every  one  seemed  to 
be  able  to  pursue  his  calling  at  a  profit,  and  men  who 
needed  money  and  credit  for  their  schemes  were  now, 
for  the  first  time  since  the  country  was  settled,  able 
to  get  real  money  and  credit  in  sufficiency.  Such 
a  state  of  affairs  naturally  produced  an  immense 
popularity,  trust  and  admiration  moving  towards  the 
man  to  whose  skill  and  energy  the  halcyon  condi 
tion  of  things  seemed  to  be  due.  It  was  the  better 
classes  who  constituted  Hamilton's  most  enthusiastic 
following.  It  was  men  who  were  competent  to  con 
duct  independent  business  who  chiefly  derived  benefit 
from  what  he  did.  It  required  some  capacity  for 
thinking  in  order  to  understand  the  various  branches 
of  his  elaborate  system.  Accordingly  it  was  the 
professional  men  and  the  great  mass  of  merchants 
and  the  growing  body  of  manufacturers  who  preemi 
nently  put  their  faith  in  him.  Seldom  has  a  political 
leader  had  at  his  back  a  finer  army  of  implicit  be 
lievers  than  this  which  included  the  overwhelming 
bulk  of  the  intelligence,  the  cultivation,  the  thought, 
the  enterprise,  the  industry,  and  the  wealth  of  the 
middle  and  northern  portions  of  the  United  States. 

Indeed  the  importance  of  the  position  which  Ham 
ilton  filled  at  this  time  cannot  be  exaggerated.  To  say 
that  he  had  to  deal  with  grave  and  novel  emergencies 
is  very  far  from  describing  the  character  or  grandeur 
of  the  political  movement  which  he  inaugurated  dur 
ing  the  early  years  of  the  republic.  What  was  then 
done  by  the  Federal  party  was  done  by  it  chiefly  under 
the  direction  of  Hamilton.  He  devised  its  measures. 
Not  a  single  great  scheme  of  a  general  nature,  not 


398  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

simply  organizing  but  characterizing  in  its  functions, 
was  carried  through  in  the  first  three  years  after  the 
republic  began,  of  which  he  was  not  in  chief  part  the 
author.  It  was  his  policy  which  excited  the  wrath  ol 
the  anti-federalists,  his  policy  which  the  Federalists 
combined  to  make  successful.  Nor  was  the  federal 
policy  only  conceived  by  him,  but  it  also  owed  its  success 
in  good  part  to  his  arguments  and  to  his  zeal.  If  the 
achievements  of  the  party  involved  that  vital  useful 
ness  to  the  country  which  has  been  claimed  for  them, 
then  the  debt  of  gratitude  which  the  United  States 
owes  to  Hamilton  may  be  easily  measured. 

Hamilton's  position  as  the  chief  of  his  party  was 
not  less  plainly  proved  by  the  animosity  of  his  oppo 
nents  than  by  the  admiration  of  his  followers.  The 
anti-federalists  assailed  him  with  a  flattering  intensity 
of  wrath  into  which  there  was  unfortunately  imported 
at  an  early  day  a  bitter  personal  rancor.  For  as  he 
moved  from  success  to  success,  he  did  not  win  his 
frequent  victories  easily  and  naturally  by  the  over 
whelming  force  of  numbers.  The  Federalists  had 
not  a  large  nor  what  is  called  a  sure  working 
majority.  They  were  apt  to  carry  the  day  after  a 
hard  and  doubtful  struggle,  by  a  small  preponderance 
of  votes.  The  anti-federalists  were  continually  ex 
pecting  triumph,  continually  seeing  it  snatched  from 
their  grasp  by  the  persistence,  the  energy,  or  the 
strategy  of  their  provokingly  invincible  foe.  In 
truth  it  was  asking  too  much  of  the  anti-federalists 
to  require  them  to  preserve  their  equanimity  in 
1790-91.  Something  more  than  ordinary  party 
measures  were  then  in  progress.  The  errors,  if 
errors  they  were,  which  were  then  making  were 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  399 

fundamental  in  character,  permanent  in  effect ;  might 
fairly  be  regarded  by  those  opposed  to  them  as  ac 
tually  fatal  to  the  country.  Seldom  has  party  spirit 
run  so  high  as  in  those  days;  never  certainly  has 
greater  acrimony  been  shown  towards  individuals. 
Much  of  what  is  still  to  be  written  concerning  the 
remainder  of  Hamilton's  term  of  office  is  the  narra 
tive  of  a  relentless  and  an  unprincipled  persecution, 
such  as  is  possible  only  when  the  partisan  temper  has 
got  the  better  of  every  more  respectable  sentiment. 

The  assaults  upon  Hamilton  were,  perhaps,  the 
more  vehement  and  bitter  because  they  constituted 
the  only  safety-valve  for  another  feeling  which  had 
to  be  carefully  suppressed.  The  opponents  of  his 
policy  were  unable  to  ignore  the  fact  that  that  policy 
was  approved  by  Washington.  There  was  no  ques 
tion  that  the  chief  Federalist  measures  had  commanded 
not  only  the  assent  but  the  hearty  sympathy  of  the 
president.  Even  as  to  the  Bank  charter,  the  grounds 
of  his  doubt  were  understood  to  have  no  reference 
to  the  wisdom  of  the  measure,  but  only  to  the  ques 
tion  of  constitutionality.  Yet  it  was  utter  folly  to 
assail  Washington ;  and  an  administration  which 
could  only  be  struck  at  through  him  was  entrenched 
behind  a  barrier  little  less  than  impregnable.  If  the 
revered  president  was  indeed  the  leader  of  the  Fed 
eral  party,  then  the  anti-federalists  might  as  well 
rest  quiet  until  the  withdrawal  of  his  august  pro 
tection  should  render  their  foes  more  vulnerable. 
Washington,  however,  was  not  the  leader  of  the 
Federalists ;  nor  could  any  thing  have  been  more 
painful  to  him  than  to  have  been  regarded  in  the 
light  of  a  partisan,  however  distinguished.  All  the 


400  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

dignity  and  evenness  of  his  lofty  character  were 
ceaselessly  exerted  to  prevent  so  much  as  the  sem 
blance  of  any  such  character  attaching  to  him.  He 
could  not,  of  course,  help  forming  opinions  as  to  dis 
puted  measures  and  conflicting  policies  ;  in  divesting 
himself  of  partiality  he  was  far  from  divesting  him 
self  of  understanding.  On  the  contrary,  his  greatest 
effort  was  to  understand  every  topic  as  thoroughly 
as  possible.  Never  did  man  strive  more  conscien 
tiously  and  untiringly  to  achieve  a  complete  mastery 
over  the  affairs  which  fell  within  his  department.  Of 
course  he  arrived  at  conclusions,  clear  and  strong ;  and 
unquestionably  these  conclusions  were  consonant  with 
the  policy  which  was  at  the  time  triumphant1  in  Con 
gress.  But  Washington,  while  he  was  President  of 
the  United  States,  never  shared  in  the  partisanship  of 
politics ;  and  with  special  scrupulousness  did  he 
refrain  from  any  such  action  during  his  first  term. 
He  would  not  originate  measures  ;  he  would  not  push 
them  by  his  influence  ;  he  would  show  no  favoritism. 
His  effort  in  forming  his  cabinet  was  to  bring  together 
the  ablest  men  and  most  prominent  representatives 
of  public  opinion,  without  very  careful  regard  to  their 
probable  agreement  with  each  other.  The  idea  of 
forming  an  administration  which  should  represent 
the  whole  nation  was  a  noble  one,  and  the  experiment 
was  worth  trying.  At  no  other  time  surely  could  it 
have  been  tried  with  better  hopes  of  success  than  at 
the  birth  of  a  new  nation,  with  no  issues  made  up, 
no  parties  formed,  no  traditional  hostilities  estab 
lished,  no  personal  antipathies  excited,  and  Washing 
ton  in  the  chief  place.  He  brought  the  composite 
cabinet  to  a  length  of  days  altogether  astonishing, 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  401 

and  held  it  together  in  effective  working  order  long 
after  rupture  seemed  inevitable.  The  same  spirit 
entered  into  all  his  dealings  with  the  two  parties. 
Personally  he  long  maintained  friendly  relations 
with  the  best  men  of  every  variety  of  opinion,  and 
consulted  them  all  alike. 

Yet  though  Washington  cannot  be  called  a  party 
man,  still  he  unquestionably  believed  in  the  princi 
ples  and  measures  of  a  party.  The  Federalist  policy, 
in  the  main,  commended  itself  to  him ;  the  Federal 
ist  theory  of  government  seemed  to  him  sound ;  the 
Federalist  construction  of  the  Constitution  seemed  to 
him  wise ;  the  chief  Federalist  bills  generally  had 
his  hearty  as  well  as  his  formal  assent.  It  was  im 
possible  that  the  predilections  of  a  man  in  his  posi 
tion  should  be  concealed  ;  the  people  knew  what  he 
thought  of  one  and  another  of  the  great  projects 
which  divided  congressional  and  popular  opinion; 
and  his  weight  lying  generally  in  the  Federalist  scale 
was  sensibly  felt. 

Irritation  which  cannot  vent  itself  upon  its  direct 
object  is  wont  to  empty  itself  with  increased  acrimony 
upon  some  unfortunate  substitute.  Thus  it  happened 
in  this  case  that  Hamilton  was  obliged  to  endure  as 
saults  which,  under  slightly  different  circumstances, 
might  have  been  made  directly  against  Washington. 
Later  they  sometimes  were  thus  made.  But  at  first 
Hamilton  did' double  duty,  receiving  the  castigation 
which  should  have  fallen  upon  his  chief,  as  well 
as  that  which  belonged  appropriately  to  himself. 
During  his  first  term  Washington  was  as  incapable 
of  doing  wrong  as  the  well  known  maxim  of  British 
polity  declares  the  king  to  be.  But  his  adviser  could 

VOL.  i.  2(5 


402  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

err.  The  Republicans  regarded  Hamilton  some 
what  in  the  light  in  which  the  popular  party  in  the 
reign  of  Charles  I.  regarded  Strafford.  He  was  a  man 
of  diabolical  genius,  a  man  not  easily  to  be  coped  with 
even  by  the  ablest  mortals  of  his  generation,  a  man 
bent  upon  doing  infinite  mischief,  and  having  a  mind 
and  temper  to  secure  success.  Hamilton  had  his 
scheme  of  "  Thorough,"  as  well  as  the  great  earl. 
He  was  supposed  to  have  obtained  a  complete  mas 
tery  over  the  understanding  of  Washington.  The 
persuasive  rhetoric  and  subtle  logic  of  the  secretary 
were  declared  to  have  completely  enmeshed  the  plain 
and  simple  intellect  of  the  president.  Washington 
quite  clearly  comprehended  this  not  very  flattering 
excuse  which  covert  enemies  found  for  the  conduct 
of  the  man  whom  they  dared  not  blame,  and  ex 
pressed  his  indignation  with  unusual  asperity  of 
language.  In  truth  the  aspersion  was  unfair.  The 
most  marked  trait  of  Washington's  mind  was  its 
judicial  power.  His  course  was  one  constant  hearing 
of  arguments  from  the  leading  men  upon  both  sides ; 
and  he  always  sought  and  used  such  assistance  with 
a  singularly  unbiassed  mind  and  clear  comprehension. 
The  decision  which  he  arrived  at  was  his  own  firm  con 
viction  based  on  arguments  altogether  satisfactory  to 
his  intellect.  It  was  unfair,  therefore,  when  he  lis 
tened  with  equal  attention  to  the  expositions  of  Madi 
son  and  Jefferson,  to  charge  him  with  being  under  the 
influence  of  Hamilton.  It  was  Hamilton's  arguments 
which  persuaded  him  more  frequently  than  those  of 
any  other  statesmen  of  the  day.  One  person  may 
say  that  it  was  because  Hamilton  advocated  right 
principles ;  another  may  say  that  it  was  because 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  403 

Hamilton  advocated  wrong  principles  with  such  in 
vincible  cleverness  ;  others  may  see  in  the  constitution 
of  Washington's  mind  and  character  those  traits 
which  would  naturally  lead  him  to  take  views  con 
cerning  government  and  politics  similar  to  those  so 
attractive  to  Hamilton.  Be  any  one  of  these  solu 
tions  correct,  certain  it  is  that  to  Hamilton's  policy 
and  measures  must  be  accorded  such  support  and 
corroboration  as  they  can  acquire  from  the  deliberate 
and  nearly  unvarying  adherence  and  sympathy  of 
Washington.  Not  that  this  is  mentioned  to  gain 
additional  credit  or  currency  for  doctrines  by  the 
indorsement  of  a  strong  name.  The  doctrines  must 
stand  or  fall  upon  their  own  intrinsic  merits ;  must 
be  judged,  whether  for  approval  or  condemnation,  by 
their  purposes  and  results,  and  to  no  other  test  is 
there  any  intention  of  bringing  them.  Only,  in  men 
tioning  the  division  of  parties  and  the  allegiance  of 
distinguished  men,  the  position  of  Washington  is  of 
principal  importance. 

The  opposition  to  Hamilton  personally  began  early. 
The  bill  for  a  loan,  introduced  into  the  first  Congress 
according  to  his  advice,  empowered  him  to  negotiate 
for  the  money,  as  every  one  knew  that  in  fact  he  must 
conduct  the  negotiation.  Yet  an  amendment  was 
insisted  upon  whereby  the  authority  was  conferred  in 
name  and  form  upon  the  president,  for  the  avowed 
reason  that  the  secretary  was  acquiring  an  undue 
prominence  and  an  appearance  of  independent  impor 
tance.  From  this  beginning  the  feeling  increased 
rapidly  enough  by  natural  growth.  But  no  senti 
ment  of  personal  hostility  can  reach  its  full  develop 
ment  without  the  fostering  care  of  some  individual 


404  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

v'  who  is  at  once  an  enemy  and  a  rival.  Such  a  ptsrson 
was  not  long  wanting  to  watch,  tend,  stimulate  with 
unwearying  vigilance  and  to  promote  by  all  holy  or 
unholy  means  the  dislike  of  the  anti-federalists  for 
Hamilton.  Thomas  Jefferson  and  Alexander  Hamil 
ton,  starting  in  Washington's  cabinet  without  previous 
personal  knowledge  of  each  other,  —  probably  without 
much  preconceived  liking  or  disliking,  but  rather  with 
a  tentative  curiosity  on  the  part  of  each  as  to  the 
character,  powers,  and  principles  of  the  other,  —  began 
very  early  to  draw  asunder.  The  gap,  once  visibly 
opened,  widened  fast ;  and  ere  long  the  two  leaders 
were  opposed  to  each  other  as  diametrically,  as  fully, 
and  perhaps  with  as  much  feeling  of  personal  distrust 
and  hostility,  as  history  records  of  purely  political 
opponents.  The  enemies  of  Hamilton  under  the 
generalship  of  Jefferson  —  singularly  skilful,  relentless 
and  fertile  of  resources  as  he  ever  approved  himself 
in  a  warfare  of  this  kind  —  pursued  their  victim  as  man 
has  seldom  been  pursued  by  his  fellow-men  Not 
only  with  open  fury,  but  with  covert  insinuation,  with 
charges  which  they  knew  to  be  false,  and  with  refu 
sals  to  acknowledge  his  honesty  when  it  was  proved  by 
mathematical  demonstration.  They  even  pushed  an 
odious  investigation  into  his  private  affairs,  till  some 
of  the  more  respectable  of  the  assailants  became 
ashamed,  and  not  only  exculpated  him,  but  apolo 
gized.  It  is  difficult  to  draw  the  line  between  what 
is  and  what  is  not  permissible  to  decent  and  honora 
ble' men  in  political  warfare.  Yet  if  any  thing  can  be 
dishonorable  in  politics,  which  some  sceptics  may 
doubt,  then  some  of  the  measures  resorted  to  for  the 
purpose  of  ruining  Hamilton's  reputation  were  so. 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  405 

Even  were  he  the  awful  portent  which  anti-federalism 
thought  him,  it  was  unjustifiable  to  resort  to  those 
means  of  destroying  him,  to  which  some  men  not  un 
distinguished  in  the  ranks  of  that  party  did  very 
vigorously,  persistently,  unblushingly  resort ;  as  cer 
tainly  even  a  hateful  criminal  may  be  punished  by 
processes  more  hateful  than  his  own  crime. 

That  stage  in  this  narrative  has  now  been  reached 
in  which  personal  animosities  begin  to  claim  some 
share  of  attention.  The  names  of  Washington,  Ham 
ilton,  Adams,  Jay,  Madison,  and  Jefferson  stand  out 
preeminent  among  the  great  men  connected  with  the 
early  days  of  the  country,  and  they  each  and  all  find 
an  abundant  meed  of  admiration  and  respect  in  the 
present  generation.  This  is  as  it  should  be.  They 
were  all  great,  all  able  ;  they  all  —  the  biographer  of 
Hamilton  need  not  except  even  Jefferson  —  at  one  time 
or  another  brought  valuable  contributions  to  the 
growth  and  advancement  of  the  United  States :  per 
haps  there  was  no  one  of  them  who,  being  only  mortal, 
and  living  in  exciting  days  amid  novel  incidents,  did 
not  at  sometime  fall  into  an  error  of  judgment  or  an 
extremity  of  opinion.  Though  schisms  and  jealousies 
existed  between  them,  yet  I  cannot  regard  it  as  a 
necessary  any  more  than  it  is  an  agreeable  function 
of  the  historiographer  to  seek  to  destroy  the  good 
name  of  any  one  of  them ;  nor  would  I  consciously 
conduct  my  own  labors  upon  any  such  uncharitable 
plan.  It  is  my  part  to  tell  Hamilton's  story,  not  to 
deface  the  memories  of  his  contemporaries. 

With  Washington,  as  has  been  seen,  Hamilton  was 
on  the  best  of  terms  in  every  respect.  In  politics 
they  were  in  sympathy,  and  their  personal  relations 


406  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

were  thoroughly  friendly.  With  Jay  an  amicable 
footing  seems  always  to  have  existed.  Between 
Adams  and  Hamilton,  circumstances  hereafter  to  be 
narrated  created  a  coolness  on  the  part  of  Hamilton, 
and  a  considerable  degree  of  heat  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Adams.  From  being  the  best  of  friends  and  vigorous 
co-laborers  in  behalf  of  the  Constitution,  Hamilton 
and  Madison  began  to  sever  their  political  connection 
early  in  Washington's  administration,  and  in  time 
found  themselves  directly  opposed  to  each  other. 
Hamilton  has  suffered  much  at  the  hands  of  the 
biographers  of  both  of  these  gentlemen,  who  have 
shown  a  disposition  to  sacrifice  his  name  and  memory 
to  appease  the  manes  of  the  offended  presidents ; 
a  needless  immolation,  for  the  services  of  Adams  and 
Madison  assure  them  all  and  more  than  all  the  grate 
ful  admiration  which  they  could  have  longed  for  in 
their  most  sanguine  and  ambitious  moments.  No 
retributory  offerings  of  the  mangled  reputations  of 
Adams  or  of  Madison  need  be  sought  for  the  shrine 
xof  Hamilton. 

Thomas  Jefferson  alone  stands  in  a  different  rela 
tionship  towards  Hamilton  from  any  other  of  his 
contemporaries.  As  one  cannot  serve  two  masters, 
so  one  cannot  respect  both  these  men.  He  must  hate 
the  one  and  love  the  other ;  he  must  hold  to  the  one 
and  despise  the  other.  That  Jefferson  so  conducted 
himself  during  the  eight  years  of  his  presidency,  that 
a  large  number  of  persons  still  believe  him  to  have 
been  a  great,  good,  and  useful  statesman,  is  due  in  no 
small  measure  to  the  fact  that  during  that  period  he 
was  reaping  what  Hamilton  had  sown,  and  that  he 
did  not  feel  it  incumbent  upon  himself  to  plough  up 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  407 

the  field  and  sow  it  anew  with  that  seed  which  in 
earlier  years  he  had  declared  to  be  alone  fit  for  use. 
As  has  been  often  observed  of  other  men,  he  who  in 
opposition  had  been  so  radical,  in  poAver  became  quite 
conservative.  The  anti-federalist  of  Washington's 
cabinet  sought  to  divest  the  central  government  of 
none  of  its  substantial  powers  when  he  himself  was 
at  the  head  of  that  government.  The  sans-culotte 
democrat  during  the  days  of  the  French  excitement 
presided  over  a  pure  republic  without  manifesting  any 
anxiety  to  revolutionize  it.  When  treating  of  the  an 
tagonism  between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson,  and  of  the 
questions  which  divided  them,  it  is  necessary  to  speak 
of  Jefferson  and  his  principles  as  they  were  at  that 
period,  not  as  they  appeared  at  a  subsequent  date  and 
under  changed  circumstances.  Jefferson  was  a  politi 
cal  chameleon ;  and  it  is  not  fair  in  discussing  any 
particular  era  of  his  life  to  cast  over  it  the  widely 
differing  hue  which  belonged  to  some  other  division 
of  his  long  and  mottled  career. 

The  character  of  Jefferson's  mind  was  peculiar. 
He  has  been  generally  called  a  philosopher ;  and  per 
haps  that  vague  and  extensive  term  is  well  selected 
to  describe  his  intellect,  also  vague  and  extensive. 
He  was  by  nature  a  theorist,  not  a  practical  man. 
He  could  discuss  the  science  of  government  better 
than  he  could  administer  affairs.  His  genius  was  not 
executive.  He  always  failed  in  emergencies  requiring 
the  activity  and  energy  of  the  man  of  business.  As 
governor  of  Virginia  in  the  Revolution  he  did  not 
distinguish  himself ;  some  persons  have  thought  that 
he  disgraced  himself.  He  was  a  man  of  wide  attain 
ments,  knew  languages,  read  many  books,  dabbled  in 


408  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

many  pursuits,  was  inclined  to  be  cyclopedic  in  his 
style  ;  yet  he  had  not  an  accurate  and  thorough  habit 
of  mind.  His  speculations  were  bold  and  interesting ; 
an  iconoclastic  age  could  not  always  keep  pace  with 
his  reckless  thinking.  But  when  he  dealt  with  facts  it 
was  necessary  to  accept  his  statements  with  caution. 
Nearly  his  last  act  in  Washington's  cabinet  was  to 
prepare  a  report  concerning  commerce.  He  had 
been  three  years  about  it ;  and  it  was  a  great  party 
document,  sure  to  be  subjected  to  keen  scrutiny.  He 
had  every  motive,  as  certainly  he  had  taken  plenty 
of  time,  to  make  it  a  thorough  instrument.  It  was 
replete  with  elaborate  theories  and  plausible  advice  ; 
but  in  its  statistical  and  narrative  parts  it  proved  to 
be  so  full  of  error,  so  utterly  untrustworthy,  that  a 
supplementary  report  in  the  nature  of  pages  of 
"  Errata  "  had  to  be  furnished. 

One  of  the  most  striking  of  his  singular  vagaries, 
furnishing  a  fair  sample  of  the  astonishing  schemes 
which  floated  in  rapid  succession  through  his  brain, 
was  his  notion  that  a  nation  could  bind  for  its  indebt 
edness  only  a  single  generation.  The  people  of  any 
one  generation,  he  said,  "  cannot  validly  engage  debts 
beyond  what  they  may  pay  in  their  own  time.  .  .  . 
Every  Constitution  and  every  law  naturally  expires 
at  the  end  of  thirty-four  years.  If  it  be  enforced 
longer,  it  is  an  act  of  force  and  not  of  right."  In 
other  words,  he  wished  to  establish  a  grand  Statute 
of  Limitations,  based  on  what  he  called  natural  jus 
tice,  which  should  effect  an  outlawry  of  every  debt 
of  a  nation  at  the  expiration  of  thirty-four  years  after 
it  had  first  accrued.  Verily  a  most  convenient  wip 
ing  of  the  national  slate !  It  is  true  that  Jefferson 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  409 

only  talked  in  this  manner ;  he  did  not  really  behave 
so  absurdly.  When  he  became  president,  he  adopted 
the  established  customs  of  mankind,  and  was  content 
to  act,  if  not  to  think,  like  his  fellow-creatures.  But 
who  could  foresee  this  change  ?  And  how  could  any 
reliance  be  safely  placed  upon  a  man  who  persisted 
in  putting  forth  and  defending  such  astounding 
propositions  ? 

The  Marquis  de  Chastellux  visited  him  at  Mon- 
ticello,  in  1782,  and  became  much  attached  to  him. 
The  guest  described  the  host  as  "  at  once  a  musician, 
skilled  in  drawing,  a  geometrician,  an  astronomer,  a 
natural  philosopher,  legislator,  and  statesman ; "  .  .  . 
"  a  philosopher  in  voluntary  retirement  from  the 
world  and  public  business ; "  .  .  .  the  possessor  of  a 
"  mild  and  amiable  wife,"  and  the  tutor  of  his  "  charm 
ing  children."  Men  of  universal  genius  are  usually 
distrusted  by  shrewd  worldly  observers,  who  think 
that  it  is  possible  to  know  too  much.  In  his  function 
as  educator  Jefferson  ought  indeed  to  have  shone. 
His  intellect,  so  capable  of  various  learned  acquire 
ments,  was  of  the  pedagogic  cast  —  upon  an  illustrious 
and  magnificent  scale  indeed,  but  not  the  less  peda 
gogic.  Listen  to  the  names  which  he  suggested  for 
the  divisions  of  the  north-western  territory :  Sylva- 
nia,  Michigania,  Cherronesus,  Assenisipia,  Metro- 
potamia,  Polypotamia,  Pelispia !  "What  suggestions 
could  have  emanated  more  appropriately  from  an  usher 
in  a  classical  school  ? 

Jefferson's  knowledge  was  respectable ;  it  was  his 
inability  to  put  it  to  practical  use  which  betrayed 
the  deficiency  in  his  intellectual  structure.  He  had 
an  uncontrollable  passion  for  thinking,  for  theoriz- 


410  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

ing ;  his  extensive  reading,  a  natural  plausibility, 
an  astonishing  fluency  with  the  pen,  enabled  him 
to  indulge  largely  in  this  absorbing  propensity.  As 
every  one  in  his  native  country  and  in  that  foreign 
land  of  France,  which  for  a  large  portion  of  his  life 
possessed  half  of  his  thoughts  and  more  than  half 
of  his  heart,  was  forming  and  discussing  schemes 
of  government,  he  naturally  turned  his  attention  to 
the  same  labor.  He  conceived  most  attractive  plans, 
quite  fascinating  upon  paper  and  impregnable  in  con 
versation,  and  having  no  worse  fault  than  that  in  the 
world  of  real  men  they  would  not  work. 

In  the  midst  of  that  period  of  imbecility  and 
despair  which  intervened  between  the  close  of  the 
war  and  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution,  Jeffer 
son  was  not  without  his  suggestion.  The  panacea 
which  he  prescribed  was  a  Committee  of  Congress, 
to  consist  of  one  member  from  each  State,  to  be  per 
manently  in  session,  and  to  wield  all  the  executive 
powers  of  the  whole  body.  The  scheme  was  tried. 
The  committee  was  appointed,  and  upon  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress  found  itself  in  supreme  control  of 
affairs.  Forthwith  ensued  debates  of  unprecedented 
acrimony,  leading  to  hostilities  so  bitter  that  the 
committee  was  actually  fractured  into  helpless  pieces 
and  gave  up  all  attempt  to  perform  its  duties.  The 
blunder  which  ruined  this  scheme  continued  to  form 
an  element  of  danger  in  all  subsequent  notions  con 
cerning  government  which  Jefferson  entertained  for 
a  long  time  to  come.  He  was  scared  at  the  vision  of 
real  power.  He  conceived  nothing  to  be  so  dangerous 
as  a  central  authority. 

It  is  sometimes  said,  that  if  Jefferson,  instead  of 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  411 

Hamilton,  had  been  master  of  the  situation  during 
the  first  few  years  after  the  adoption  of  the  new  Con 
stitution,  the  altered  leadership  would  have  made  no 
very  material  difference  in  the  course  of  events.  The 
basis  upon  which  this  bold  assertion  is  hazarded  is 
fatal  to  the  man  in  whose  behalf  it  is  made.  The 
necessities  of  the  case,  it  is  said,  would  have  con 
trolled  ;  the  power  which  the  central  government 
needed  would  have  been  recognized,  would  have  been 
in  due  time  assumed  by  the  government  and  conceded 
by  the  people.  Yet  what  else  is  this  than  to  say  that 
experience  and  emergency  would  have  been  too 
strong  for  the  Jeffersonian  theories  ?  He  would  have 
sat  at  the  helm  of  the  ship  of  State,  and  kept  her 
bows  towards  a  certain  point ;  but  the  mighty  tide  of 
human  need  and  national  destiny  would  have  made 
the  vessel  drift  insensibly  yet  surely  upon  a  different 
course.  If  in  1789  Jefferson  had  succeeded  in  obtain 
ing  control  of  the  policy  of  the  administration,  he 
could  not  have  held  the  States  together  and  at  the 
same  time  been  true  to  his  abstract  principles.  He 
would  soon  have  been  driven  to  the  melancholy  choice 
between  sacrificing  the  Union  and  modifying  his 
opinions.  A  certain  facility  which  he.  frequently  dis 
played  for  the  latter  process  leaves  no  great  doubt 
as  to  the  option  he  would  have  made.  When  he 
succeeded  to  the  management  of  the  national  affairs, 
and  really  managed  them  with  no  small  measure  of 
dictatorial  power,  being  not  only  president  but  leader 
of  the  dominant  party,  he  did  not  govern  upon  his 
own  theory  of  government.  He  carried  into  effect 
his  own  views  concerning  the  politics  of  the  day ;  but 
that  is  a  different  matter.  The  broad  system  of 


412  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

government  to  which  he  succeeded  was  the  Hamil- 
tonian  system.  It  was  widely  different  from  the  sys 
tem  which  he  had  professed  to  believe  in  and  had 
striven  to  establish ;  but  he  seemed  not  ill  satisfied 
with  it ;  he  was  quite  ready  to  work  with  it ;  he  did 
not  strive  to  revolutionize  or  substantially  to  alter  it. 
Yet,  had  he  chosen  to  do  so,  he  was  quite  justified  in 
considering  that  the  people  had  put  him  into  power 
after  so  short  a  trial  of  his  adversaries  because  they 
expected,  him  to  undertake  this  very  task.  But  with 
the  opportunity  for  the  undertaking  came  also  the 
sense  of  its  folly. 

Jefferson  is  therefore  chargeable  with  inconsistency. 
Had  he  frankly  acknowledged  that  observation  of  the 
working  of  the  government  had  led  him  to  some  mod 
ification  of  his  original  extreme  and  theoretic  views 
concerning  it,  he  might  be  respected  as  an  ingenuous 
and  able  man,  capable  not  only  of  intellectual  liber 
ality  in  receiving  information  and  enlightenment,  but 
also  of  the  honorable  courage  of  acknowledging  the 
fact  of  such  receipt.  Unfortunately  he  not  only  had 
not  the  magnanimity  to  play  this  part,  but  he  contin 
ued  through  these  latter  years  to  use  words  altogether 
inconsistent  with  his  acts,  to  pretend  that  his  beliefs 
were  still  what  they  had  always  been  in  times  past, 
and  to  assail  preeminently  the  memory  of  the  man 
whose  labors  and  principles  he  had  in  fact  adopted. 
But  inconsistency  is  a  fault  frequently  to  be  brought 
home  to  Jefferson.  He  was  for  ever  putting  into 
writing  the  impulse  of  the  hour ;  but  unfortunately, 
when  he  sat  down  to  write  one  of  his  effusive,  subtle 
letters,  he  could  not  pause  to  read  all  the  other  letters 
and  documents  which  he  had  previously  written,  and 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  413 

hence  it  came  to  pass  that  he  was  continually  utter 
ing  the  strangest  contradictions.  His  conduct  at  the 
time  of  the  framing  of  the  Constitution  was  emi 
nently  characteristic.  With  happy  skill  he  succeeded 
in  assuming  simultaneously  no  less  than  three  differ 
ent  positions.  He  wrote  that  he  was  dissatisfied  with 
it ;  that  he  sincerely  rejoiced  at  the  acceptance  of  it ; 
and  that  he  was  neutral  .and  could  form  no  positive 
opinion  about  it.  He  thought  there  should  be  a  new 
Convention ;  but  was  glad  when  it  was  decided  that 
there  should  not  be  one.  He  was  "  neither  a  Federal 
ist  nor  anti-federalist ;  "  he  was  "  of  neither  party  nor 
yet  a  trimmer  between  parties."  If  he  really  knew 
what  he  thought,  he  knew  something  which  no  one 
else  has  ever  been  able  to  find  out. 

For  a  time,  before  parties  were  well  made  up,  and 
the  issues  distinctly  comprehended,  he  favored  Ham 
ilton's  financial  schemes.  His  unbiassed  judgment 
was  given  in  favor  both  of  funding  and  of  assumption. 
The  former  he  declared  to  be  "  a  measure  of  neces 
sity."  The  latter  he  described  as  a  "  palatable  ingre 
dient."  The  proposition  to  assume  the  State  debts 
could  not,  he  thought,  be  "  totally  rejected  without 
preventing  the  funding  the  public  debt  altogether ; 
which  would  be  tantamount  to  a  dissolution  of  the 
government."  Later,  when  he  found  that  destiny  or 
his  own  ambition  had  decreed  that  he  should  be 
Hamilton's  chief  adversary,  that  these  measures  of 
his  fellow-secretary,  which  upon  their  intrinsic  merits 
he  had  at  first  approved,  constituted  the  very  strong 
hold  which  he  must  assault,  —  then  at  last  he  changed 
his  mind.  At  first  he  had  thought  that  the  "  pros 
pect  was  really  a  bright  one."  But  soon  from  this 


414  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

new  point  of  view  a  different  light,  or  rather  darkness, 
appeared  to  be  shed  over  the  landscape  which  until 
latterly  had  seemed  so  prosperous  and  gratifying  in 
aspect.  Thenceforth,  funding  and  assumption  found 
in  him  their  bitterest  opponent.  He  became  aware 
that  Hamilton's  system  had  "  two  objects :  first,  as  a 
puzzle  to  exclude  popular  understanding  and  inquiry; 
second,  as  a  machine  for  the  corruption  of  the  legis 
lature." 

A  very  pretty  tale  too  he  in  good  time  made  up  his 
mind  to  tell  concerning  his  connection  with  one  of 
these  measures.  Assumption,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  carried  by  means  of  a  bargain  made  between  its 
friends  and  one  of  the  many  parties  interested 
in  the  location  of  the  national  capital.  Long  after 
ward,  drawing  upon  his  memory  or  invention  or 
upon  both,  in  the  composition  and  judicious  framing 
of  the  famous  "  Ana,"  Jefferson  represented  that  at 
Hamilton's  dinner  table  he  had  been  duped  and 
unfairly  misled  into  aiding  the  consummation  of 
this  bargain.  What  he  wrote  June  20,  1790,  to 
Monroe  was,  that  unless  these  two  bills,  concerning 
the  funding  and  the  capital,  could  "be  reconciled  by 
some  plan  of  compromise,  there  will  be  no  funding 
bill  agreed  to  ;  our  credit  will  burst  and  vanish  ;  and 
the  States  separate,  to  take  care  of  themselves."  If  the 
plan  of  compromise  should  fail  to  take  place  he  feared 
something  infinitely  worse  in  the  shape  of  an  unqual 
ified  assumption  and  a  perpetual  residence  on  the 
Delaware.  More  than  three  weeks  later,  when  he 
had  had  ample  time  to  recover  his  free  eyesight  even 
if  he  had  been  temporarily  hoodwinked,  he  was  still 
putting  into  writing  his  hopes  for  a  compromise  and 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  415 

a  proportional  assumption  which  should  reach  the 
great  part  of  the  debts.  The  objections  to  as 
sumption  he  believed  were  "harped  upon  by  many 
to  mask  their  dissatisfaction  to  the  government  on 
other  grounds."  Not  long  after  this  shrewd  surmise 
escaped  him  he'  was  himself  sweeping  the  strings  of 
this  same  harp  with  the  vigorous  touch  of  a  master 
of  the  art!  Jefferson's  notions  concerning  Hamil 
ton's  measures  are  of  no  great  consequence  in  them 
selves,  for  as  Hamilton  was  a  master  of  finance  and 
political  economy  so  Jefferson  never  had  a  practical 
knowledge  of  either.  But  such  comparisons  as  the 
foregoing  show  the  uncertain  working  of  Jefferson's 
mind ;  show  the  historical  value  to  be  placed  upon  the 
"  Ana,"  a  work  as  untrustworthy  as  it  is  entertaining 
—  a  blunderbuss  which  the  aged  man  loaded  to  the 
very  muzzle  with  garbled  gossip,  but  carefully  for 
bade  to  be  discharged  until  he  himself  should  have 
secured  the  safe  refuge  of  the  grave. 

It  is  not  without  its  dark  side  'too,  —  this  false  and 
groundless  accusation  brought  by  Jefferson  against 
Hamilton  of  outwitting  him  in  a  game  of  political 
chicanery.  Had  Hamilton  indeed  done  so,  he  had 
committed  an  unpardonable  offence.  Men  who  pride 
themselves  on  overreaching  others  can  never  forget 
or  forgive  if  they  themselves  are  overreached.  Such 
a  master  of  party  politics  as  Jefferson  has  never 
lived  in  this  country.  To  whatever  else  he  may 
have  been  blind,  he  never  was  blind  to  the  political 
aspect  and  bearings  of  a  measure.  That  he  should 
have  been  a  dupe  or  a  tool  in  a  bit  of  political  jug 
glery  is  altogether  incredible,  even  though  he  himself 
asserts  it.  In  partisan  strategy  he  was  greatly  supe- 


416  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

rior  to  Hamilton.  He  had  always  the  appearance 
and  often  the  reality  of  a  thorough  belief  in  his 
avowed  doctrines.  He  could  use  individuals  with 
great  skill,  rewarding  them  always,  but  acknowledg 
ing  or  denying  his  connection  with  them  as  he  saw 
fit.  He  understood  demagogic  arts,  though  practis 
ing  them  with  his  pen  rather  than  his  tongue.  He 
was  eminently  successful  in  putting  himself  into 
accord  with  the  mass  of  the  people ;  with  the  edu 
cated  few  he  was  never  on  good  terms,  nor  could  ever 
wean  them  from  their  allegiance  to  Hamilton  :  but  he 
was  a  good  gatherer  of  the  vulgar  suffrages.  He  was 
too  pliant  to  let  a  conviction  stand  in  the  way  of  an 
expedient  action,  and  he  never  demoralized  his  party 
by  leading  it  against  a  strong  gale  of  unpopularity, 
but  made  his  forces  lie  down  till  the  hurricane  was 
over.  Towards  individual  opponents  he  was  ran 
corous  and  unsparing ;  he  fully  believed  and  freely 
spread  all  ill  reports  of  them,  and  ceaselessly  sought 
their  utter  destruction.  He  kept  all  his  antagonists 
for  ever  on  the  defensive,  not  confining  himself  to 
charges  grounded  in  fact,  but  drawing  freely  upon 
fancy,  and  deeming  it  a  fair  ruse  in  political  warfare 
to  disseminate  a  false  report  and  leave  the  sufferer  to 
clear  himself  if  he  could.  His  most  striking  faculty 
was  that  of  writing  poisonous  letters.  He  excelled  in 
insinuation,  and  could  destroy  a  man's  character  in 
written  words  on  a  sheet  of  paper  with  such  consum 
mate  subtlety,  that  the  defendant  himself  with  the 
sheet  before  him  could  find  no  specific  sentence  on 
which  to  ground. a  charge  of  plain  falsehood.  As 
leader  of  the  anti-federalists  Jefferson  fully  compre 
hended  the  situation,  and  adapted  his  strategy  to  it 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  417 

with  a  perfect  skill  and  sagacity.  He  did  not  fight 
hard  all  along  the  line,  but  regarding  the  treasury, 
so  long  as  Hamilton  was  entrenched  therein,  as  con 
stituting  the  key  to  the  Federalist  position,  he  main 
tained  an  unintermitted  series  of  attacks  upon  that 
post,  —  showing  that,  if  the  opposition  party  obsti 
nately  denied  the  wisdom  of  concentration  in  gov 
ernment,  they  at  least  fully  appreciated  it  in  assault. 
They  early  began  by  opposing  references  from  Con 
gress  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  They  com 
plained  that  he  was  called  upon  for  too  many  reports, 
and  for  too  much  advice  ;  that  the  originating  func 
tion  of  Congress  was  practically  destroyed,  and  that 
its  independence  would  soon  follow.  The  shadow  of 
the  great  secretary  was  too  large,  and  fell  over  all  the 
other  departments,  nor  yet  ceased  to  expand.  His 
name  was  too  much  before  the  people.  Predictions 
of  the  utter  subversion  of  liberty  were  actually  ut 
tered  openly  in  Congress,  should  his  foes  not  succeed 
in  effecting  the  suppression  of  this  dangerous  man. 
They  still  reiterated  the  wretched  outcry  about  mon 
archy,  and  would  have  it  that  Hamilton  was  a  mon 
archist  and  was  pertinaciously,  covertly,  and  all  too 
successfully  drawing  the  nation  in  that  direction.  In 
this  connection  Jefferson  now  conveniently  remem 
bered  that,  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  at  New  York  to 
enter  upon  the  duties  of  secretary  of  state,  he  had 
suffered  much  mortification  at  the  hospitable  dinner 
tables  at  which  from  time  to  time  he  was  present,  be 
cause  he  there  found  that  the  preference  for  kingly 
over  republican  government  was  evidently  a  favorite 
sentiment.  "  An  apostate  he  could  not  be,  nor  yet  a 
hypocrite  !  "  So  it  happened  that  he  was  "  often  the 
VOL.  i.  27 


418  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

only  advocate  on  the  republican  side  of  the  ques 
tion."  Turning  to  his  correspondence  of  a  date  nearer 
to  the  period  of  these  shocking  dinner  parties  in  the 
regal  interest,  we  find  there  the  statement  that  the 
executive  department  is  not  the  principal  object  of 
his  jealousy,  but  that  he  conceives  the  "  tyranny  of 
the  legislatures  "  to  be  "  the  most  formidable  dread  " 
for  the  present.  "  I  know,"  he  adds,  "  there  are 
some  among  us  who  would  establish  a  monarchy,  but 
they  are  inconsiderable  in  number  and  weight  of  char 
acter."  Did  he  include  in  this  slighting  category  the 
man  who  beat  him  in  so  many  a  sturdy  contest  ?  Or 
did  he  in  fact  not  believe  what  nevertheless  he  as 
serted  concerning  Hamilton  ? 

It  was  of  little  account  in  this  controversy  that 
Hamilton  appeared  in  many  respects  more  inclined, 
than  were  the  anti-federalists  themselves,  to  strengthen 
the  legislative  arm  at  the  cost  of  the  executive.  He 
was  on  record  as  holding  the  doctrine  that  the  Con 
stitution  gave  to  the  president  no  power  of  removing 
officials,  except  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate.  Madison  insisted  upon  the  absolute 
power  of  removal.  Hamilton  would  have  curtailed  the 
customary  use  of  the  veto  power  far  within  the  limits 
which  Jefferson  was  quite  ready  to  see  set  for  it.  Ham 
ilton  declared  it  to  be  his  opinion  that  this  privilege 
should  be  resorted  to  chiefly  "to  resist  an  immediate 
attack  upon  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  execu 
tive,"  or  in  cases  where  the  "  public  good  was  evi 
dently  and  palpably  sacrificed."  Where  either  of 
two  constructions  "  may  reasonably  be  adopted,  and 
neither  can  be  pronounced  inconsistent  with  the  pub 
lic  good,"  it  seemed  to  him  "proper  that  the  legisla- 


THE   TREASURY  MEASURES   ANI>   FEDERALISM.     419 

tive  sense  should  prevail."  Undoubtedly  much  of 
the  value  of  a  general  principle  is  to  be  found  in  its 
application ;  yet  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  a 
schemer  who  had  deep-laid  designs  for  transforming 
the  president  into  a  king  would  hardly  have  amused 
himself,  or  much  promoted  his  darling  purpose,  by 
promulgating  such  doctrines  as  the  foregoing,  educat 
ing  the  people  to  such  views  of  government,  and 
creating  mottoes  and  watchwords  for  use  against  his 
own  project. 

In  a  private  letter  written  to  a  personal  friend,  in 
the  composition  of  which  the  most  suspicious  person 
could  with  difficulty  suggest  a  motive  for  false  coloring, 
Hamilton  fully  discussed  his  own  attitude  and  views. 
He  stigmatized  "  any  attempt  to  subvert  the  repub 
lican  system  of  the  country  "  as  being  "  both  criminal 
and  visionary.  I  am,"  he  said,  "  affectionately  at 
tached  to  the  republican  theory.  I  desire  above  all 
things  to  see  the  equality  of  political  rights,  exclusive 
of  all  hereditary  distinction,  firmly  established  by  a 
practical  demonstration  of  its  being  consistent  with 
the  order  and  happiness  of  society." 

u  I  said,"  he  went  on,  "  that  I  was  affectionately 
attached  to  the  republican  theory.  This  is  the  real 
language  of  my  heart,  which  I  open  to  you  in  the 
sincerity  of  friendship.  And  I  add  that  I  have  strong 
hopes  of  the  success  of  that  theory ;  but  in  candor  I 
ought  also  to  add,  that  I  am  far  from  being  without 
doubts.  I  consider  its  success  as  yet  a  problem.  It 
is  yet  to  be  determined  by  experience  whether  it  be 
consistent  with  that  stability  and  order  in  govern 
ment  which  are  essential  to  public  strength  and 
private  security  and  happiness. 


420  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

"  On  the  whole,  the  only  enemy  which  republican 
ism  has  to  fear  in  this  country  is  in  the  spirit  of  fac 
tion  and  anarchy.  If  this  will  not  permit  the  ends 
of  government  to  be  attained  under  it,  if  it  engenders 
disorders  in  the  community,  all  regular  and  orderly 
minds  will  wish  for  a  change  ;  and  the  demagogues, 
who  have  produced  the  disorder,  will  make  it  for 
their  own  aggrandizement."  Persons  there  were 
acting  with  the  party  of  Jefferson  and  Madison  whom 
Hamilton  suspected  of  an  inclination  to  promote  dis 
trust  and  discord  for  their  own  benefit.  But  Madison, 
he  "  verily  believed,"  had  no  such  intentions  ;  and  he 
inclined  also  to  acquit  Jefferson,  though  he  frankly 
said  that  he  conceived  the  latter  to  be  "  a  man  of 
profound  ambition  and  violent  passions." 

Many  matters,  without  doubt,  were  referred  by  the 
first  Congress  to  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  which 
might  with  perfect  propriety  have  been  otherwise  dis 
posed  of.  But  in  their  opposition  to  such  references 
the  anti-federalists  did  not  design  to  relieve  him  from 
the  labor,  but  only  to  deprive  him  of  the  glory  at 
tendant  upon  its  performance.  Such  tactics  were 
somewhat  petty  and  ignoble,  and  could  have  but 
limited  effect,  since  people  would  surely  find  out  where 
the  real  work  was  done.  When,  however,  the  party  ac 
quired  sufficient  audacity  to  seek  to  prevent  the  refer 
ence  to  the  secretar}?"  of  subjects  which  clearly  fell 
within  his  department,  —  such,  for  example,  as  the 
topic  of  ways  and  means,  and  the  matter  of  the  re 
demption  of  the  public  debt,  —  then  the  combat  be 
came  mortal.  If  Congress,  after  having  listened  to 
assaults  upon  himself  and  his  financial  policy,  should 
be  induced  to  refuse  to  consult  him  upon  those  ques- 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  421 

tions  of  finance  upon  which  custom  arid  natural 
propriety  would  have  led  them  to  ask  his  information 
and  advice,  then  there  was  but  one  course  for  him  to 
pursue.  He  must  resign.  A  victory  of  the  anti-fed 
eralists  in  these  matters  must  have  been  construed  as 
substantially  a  vote  of  want  of  confidence.  Not  self- 
love  but  self-respect  would  have  compelled  him  to 
abandon  a  post  the  customary  duties  of  which  the 
legislature  questioned  his  ability  to  fulfil  and  actually 
refused  to  permit  him  to  undertake.  Fortunately 
these  flank  movements  were  not  successful.  The 
Federalists  had  no  idea  of  seeing  their  chieftain  fall 
the  victim  of  such  manoeuvres,  nor  had  Congress  any 
notion  of  losing  the  advantage  of  his  knowledge  and 
advice.  The  references  to  the  secretary  were  duly 
made,  and  his  responsible  and  honorable  labors  con 
tinued  substantially  undiminished. 

Hamilton  and  Jefferson  had  remained  upon  terms 
of  social  friendship  until  the  controversy  concerning 
the  National  Bank.  The  course  of  Jefferson  in  that 
matter,  however,  alienated  Hamilton  to  such  a  degree 
that  thereafter  their  intercourse  was  only  official, 
maintained  by  notes  written  in  the  third  person.  It 
is  only  strange  that  the  breach  did  not  occur  sooner, 
for  feelings  existed  between  them  incompatible  with 
private  amity.  Jefferson  was  in  some  degree  jealous 
of  Hamilton,  because  though  the  secretary  of  state 
ought  to  have  been  the  principal  cabinet  officer,  —  the 
head  of  the  cabinet,  as  it  were,  —  yet  practically  this 
position  seemed  to  have  been  seized  upon  by  the  sec 
retary  of  the  treasury.  If  such  an  usurpation  had 
indeed  taken  place,  it  had  been  the  result  of  the  ex 
istence  of  an  exceptional  state  of  affairs,  wherein  it 


422  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

had  been  inevitable  that  the  financial  questions  should 
absorb  the  chief  popular  interest,  and  should  involve 
and  shape  the  policy  of  the  government.  But  Jeffer 
son  did  not  like  such  a  bouleversement,  however  it 
might  have  been  effected.  It  did  not  by  any  means 
suit  him  to  see  Hamilton  admitted  to  the  freedom  of 
the  city  of  New  York,  to  see  his  portrait  placed  in  the 
Hall  of  Justice,  to  see  him  receiving  the  honor  of  a 
public  festival,  and  in  a  multitude  of  other  ways  made 
the  recipient  of  marks  of  favor  and  distinction  pro 
ceeding  from  men  of  mark  in  the  community.  So  he 
began  to  look  around  for  food  on  which  to  fatten  his 
own  department,  while  taking  all  he  could  from  his 
rival. 

The  post-office  was  not  then  a  separate  depart 
ment  ;  but  its  great  and  increasing  patronage  made 
it  valuable,  and  he  strove  hard  to  get  it  out  of  the 
treasury  into  the  department  of  state.  In  further 
ance  of  this  project  he  informed  Washington  that 
the  treasury  department  already  possessed  such  influ 
ence  as  to  swallow  up  the  whole  executive  powers, 
and  to  threaten  to  overthrow  even  the  office  of  presi 
dent.  Washington  listened  to  these  ominous  prog 
nostications  with  his  wonted  imperturbable  coolness, 
and  having  no  fear  of  Hamilton's  rivalry  or  encroach 
ment  he  refused  to  disturb  the  existing  order  of 
things.  Then  Jefferson  begged  for  the  mint,  alleging 
that  the  custom  of  other  countries  created  a  precedent 
in  favor  of  annexing  it  to  his  department.  Also  he 
scrambled  for  references  to  himself,  and  succeeded  in 
getting  at  least  two,  which  could  have  been  sent  to 
Hamilton  with  no  less  propriety.  The  result  how 
ever  was  unfortunate  for  the  successful  secretary. 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  423 

One  of  these  subjects  concerned  the  fisheries.  It 
was  essential  that  the  fishermen  should  be  encour 
aged  by  artificial  assistance,  unless  the  valuable  in 
dustry  was  to  be  allowed  to  die  out.  But  Jefferson 
and  the  anti-federalists  had  been  busy  in  the  mutila 
tion  of  Hamilton's  schemes  of  this  purport,  and  they 
found  some  little  difficulty  in  drawing  distinctions 
where  no  substantial  difference  existed.  Jefferson  in 
his  report  clearty  showed  the  necessity  of  establishing 
bounties ;  but  having  brought  the  argument  up  to 
this  conclusion  he  stopped  short,  refusing  to  cap  the 
column  he  had  reared,  and  threw  the  responsibility 
upon  Congress.  The  anti-federalists  took  up  the 
report  very  gingerly.  To  give  bounties  was  to  take  a 
step  far  in  advance  of  laying  protective  duties.  They 
tried  to  conceal  their  tergiversation  by  proposing  a 
drawback  of  duties  upon  all  imported  articles  needed 
by  the  fishermen,  —  as  thoroughly  protective  a  meas 
ure  in  principle  as  any  proposed  by  Hamilton.  But 
even  this,  though  suggested  by  Jefferson,  would  not 
suffice  ;  and  at  last  Madison  was  compelled  to  bring 
his  beautiful  argumentative  powers  to  sustain  the 
actual  granting  not  indeed  of  bounties  but  of  "allow 
ances." 

The  other  topic  which  the  secretary  of  state 
rescued  from  his  rival  has  been  already  mentioned. 
It  was  that  of  commerce,  wherein  a  second  report 
was  required  to  correct  the  statements  of  facts  which 
he  had  composed  and  ventured  to  use  as  the  some 
what  hazardous  basis  of  his  opinions  in  the  earlier 
document.  Jefferson  never  liked  the  hard  edges 
of  real  facts,  but  wished  to  have  them  properly 
prepared  and  hammered  into  shape  for  use.  He 


424  LIFE   OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

conceived  that  the  premisses  should  be  made  to  fit 
snugly  beneath  the  conclusion,  rather  than  that  the 
conclusion  should  be  adapted  to  rest  accurately  upon 
the  premisses. 

Looking  back  upon  these  prolonged  struggles  which 
marked  the  term  of  the  second  Congress,  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  the  opposition  had  gained  if  not  real  ground, 
yet  something  quite  as  valuable  as  ground  ;  especially 
had  they  thus  gained  in  the  specific  struggle  against 
Hamilton  individually,  which  they  were  conducting 
inside  as  it  were  of  the  general  battle.  It  is  true  that 
they  did  not  score  a  single  important  triumph  in  a 
long  series  of  contests.  Yet  the  Republican  leaders 
instinctively  felt  a  sense  of  encouragement,  tinged 
with  anxiety  indeed,  yet  still  a  real  encouragement ; 
and  they  were  justified  in  the  sentiment.  The  anti- 
federalists  had  at  first  been  known  simply  as  opponents 
of  a  powerful,  concentrated  party ;  their  very  desig 
nation  being  a  mere  negative.  But  now  they  had 
become  an  equally  concentrated,  established  party 
themselves,  with  a  positive  name  of  their  own,  a 
policy  of  their  own,  leaders  of  their  own.  Organiza 
tion  had  be*en  accomplished,  with  the  result  of  bring 
ing  them  into  admirable  fighting  condition.  They 
had  reached  that  degree  of  personal  exasperation 
against  Hamilton  that  they  could  not  be  discouraged, 
but  only  farther  enraged,  when  foiled  in  one  attack 
after  another  upon  him.  They  well  understood  that 
the  defensive  policy  cannot  be  successfully  main 
tained  by  a  prominent  statesman  for  an  indefinite 
period,  and  they  kept  Hamilton  ceaselessly  upon  the 
defensive,  not  only  against  fair  assaults  aimed  at  his 
financial  measures,  but  against  all  sorts  of  vague  and 


THE  TREASURY  MEASURES  AND  FEDERALISM.  425 

wholly  unfair  charges  brought  against  himself  indi 
vidually.  It  is  an  ignoble  task  for  a  great  party, 
assuming  to  be  half  of  the  people  and  aiming  to  gov 
ern  the  whole  nation,  to  devote  itself  to  raising  a  hue 
and  cry  against  one  man.  But  the  attempt  once 
resolutely  entered  upon  can  hardly  prove  unsuccess 
ful.  The  Federalists  in  combating  the  Republicans 
did  not  turn  aside  to  hunt  down  Jefferson  or  Madi 
son,  or  even  such  an  offensive  fellow  as  Giles.  But 
the  anti-federalists  aimed  direct  at  Hamilton,  and 
were  resolved  to  destroy  him  first  and  his  party  after 
him.  Yet  it  will  in  time  be  seen  that  Hamilton  had 
the  good  fortune,  pending  this  session  of  Congress,  to 
establish  one  or  two  strong  points,  which  though  in  a 
measure  defensive  were  new  and  very  potent  against 
his  adversaries. 


END    OF    VOLUME    I. 


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